Republic of Enqusqo

The Grand and Illustrious Republic of the Cities of Énqusqó, abbreviated to RCE but also sometimes called Énqusqó, is a confederation of city states located on the Énqusqan peninsula in the south of Vidina on the Kidal Sea. It is composed of two land areas split by the Third Kingdom of Énqusqó. It shares a land border to the north with [NORTHERN NEIGHBOUR] and sea borders with Higher Tar-dinuu to the west and Naou Coili to the east. The republic is historic for being the first nation-state formed from an international organisation. It consists of 35 member city-states who have granted the confederal government powers to devise common legislature for the economy and peaceful foreign policy of the region. The confederal government consists of three senates: the Public Senate, the Regal Senate and the Judicial Senate.

The capital of the republic is hosted in the city state of Tsétlaxó which is one of the oldest continuously inhabited cities in Vidina, having been host to a walled human settlement for over 3000 years, with permanent agricultural sites dating back to the 3rd millennium BCE.

Etymology
The republic takes its name from the peninsula on which it resides, Énqusqó.

The name "Énqusqó" means land of great cities. Although there is some speculation about if the term is native to Énqutsa, or if it was adopted into the language from some other source.

The first recorded name for the region comes from dinuuen texts which mention a Tar-enkuu, however, the usage of this word implies that the name applied only to the region which is now known as Naríco. This region is considered the homeland of the Énqutsa peoples and with the expansion of the Empire of Énqusqó during the 1st millennium CE, the region considered to be Énqusqó expanded alongside the empire's borders.

Prehistory
The earliest evidence of human activity in the Énqusqó peninsula appears around 18,000 years ago, with the onset of migrations into Vidina from Tiridinia across the Kidal Sea. These early communities left behind jewellery and fishhooks carved from the bones of monk seals along with early styles of seafaring canoe. This period is identified by the prevalence of "boat burials", where a corpse was found in the charred hull of a canoe, often surrounded by fishing spear tips and fishing hooks. Whilst it is commonly believed that this was a funerary cremation practice, the presence of leather bindings found around the ankles and wrists at some sites have lead some scholars to suggest that there was a sacrificial element. All examples of this burial have been found on land, however, it is believed the practice was possibly more common upon the sea, and these burials simply have not been preserved. These burial sites have been found as far north as [NORTHERN NEIGHBOUR].

The first evidence of sedentary agricultural societies appears in Énqusqó in around 3000 BCE. This early agricultural society, called the Pítli culture, inhabited the lowlands in the south and east of the peninsula. The sites attributed to this culture are easily identified through their pervasive use of irrigation and flood management technologies along the floodplains of the Larín and Suzín rivers. It was during this period that several staple crops around Vidina began to be cultivated in the region, some of them originating from the Énqusqan peninsula. The most important of these early crops is maize (Énqutsa: nyóvó), the early cultivation of which is evidenced in artwork from the period and the presence of madátsons, a kind of stone for grinding maize flour, in settlements. The cultivation of maize in low-land regions of the peninsula was likely quickly followed by the cultivation of the múu bean, a rotation crop that would aid in restoring nitrogen to fields between maize harvests, an agricultural practice that is considered an ancient tradition by many cultural groups across the Kidal and Vidina.

The spread of metallurgy technologies from the Dinuuen peoples in what is now Higher Tar-dinuu to the peninsula allowed for the advancement of agriculture to communities further inland with the adoption of terraced farming techniques on the slopes of the Nyitsó mountains in the Narícan peninsula as early as 2,500 BCE. The resulting culture, known as the Suvón culture quickly became as populous as the Pítli culture to their east. By 2000 BCE, canoes with more advanced and robust designs begin to appear in coastal and fluvial Suvón sites. It is considered that the emergence of these naval technologies coincide with the emergence of the proto-Kidal-Énqusqan culture. The culture is identified by paleoanthropologists through their use of these more advanced and robust canoes. The culture rapidly expanded outwards which historically made the identification of the proto-Kidal-Énqusqan Urheimat complex. The spread of Énqusqan staple crops is attributed to this initial expansion, likely brought through both settlement and conquest. Along with these agricultural products, other crafted items in a developing proto-Kidal-Énqutsa style (such as jade, amber and bone figurines) also appear to radiate outwards from the Kidal Sea during this time period.

Antiquity
The transition to antiquity in Énqusqó is loosely defined. Textual records of this period come in the form of scant reports from writers in the Empire of Tar-dinuu, which is estimated to have formed in approximately 1000BCE. The incorporation of the islands in the Kidal Sea into the empire became the final act in the division of the Kidal-Énqusqan cultural group into two distinct peoples. This process of division had been ongoing for the past millennium, with the societies those living on the peninsula becoming increasingly urban in the dense jungles.

It is unclear how these urban centres functioned and interacted with each other. The majority of textual references to the peninsula depicted an untamed expanse of jungles and mountains where the natives huddled in crowded, disease-ridden settlements. There are several records that directly advise against military expansion of the empire into the peninsula due to the lack of value attributed to dominion over the terrain and its peoples. The archaeological records of the peninsula, however, stand in direct contrast to the Dinuuen records. The settlements in the south east of Énqusqó were particularly developed, with clear specialisations amongst their populaces. Tsétlaxó at this time was already one of the most expansive urban centres on the Kidal Sea. Ceramics, metalworking, sculpture and architecture became increasingly stylised and advanced at this time.

The history of the period is often mythologised and is sometimes referred to as the Énqusqan mythological period. Many of these myths are still told in the modern day and have survived through folk tales and later written records. It was long assumed that these stories were entirely fanciful, however, archeological discoveries since the 1800s have shifted this narrative. It is now understood that many of these stories provide a cultural memory of true historical events, albeit embellished by generations of story tellers.

First kingdom of Énqusqó
The First Kingdom of Énqusqó, once believed by historians to have been fictional, was a pre-literary Énqutsa society in the Énqusqan peninsula. The story of the kingdom's founding is a well known folktale amongst Énqutsa people, often being told to children at home or in early education settings, similar to Alutran fairy tales. The earliest recorded version of this story comes from a series of Tsítsa stones discovered at a site outside Sínyólon in the Third Kingdom of Énqusqó and recounts the rise and fall of a king as he attempts to save his daughter. There have been numerous interpretations of the myth. Despite the prevalence of this story amongst native peoples, years of colonial and foreign rule diluted the perceived veracity of the account. This included amongst native scholars who had also started to take a cynical view. However, in 1879, two doctorate students, Lalín Me Zún and Amó Va Nyetli, at the University of Tsétlaxó provided new evidence from their excavation of the Cípatli site in the coastal jungles of eastern Axwótsí. The site was a large palatial complex that was ornately decorated with depictions of winged serpents and with a vast flower garden. Lalín Me Zún had a special interest in pre-Quramín Énqutsa mythology and suggested a connection between the site and the mythical palace of the first kingdom in his doctoral paper based on the excavation. The paper was received critically at the time of its publication although it did unsettle the status quo, promoting deeper research and secured the authors full-time research positions at the University of Tsétlaxó. Several subsequent expeditions across southern Vidina showed architectural and ceramic styles that were consistent with the Cípatli site. The widespread presence of consistent cultural markers imply the presence of a non-literate civilisation state that expanded across Énqusqó and south Vidina. Modern dating of these sites places their height and construction within the period of time attributed to the First Kingdom of Énqusqó. It is now commonly accepted that the Cípatli civilisation is the First Kingdom, although many aspects of the organisation of this society is still not understood.

The presence of the Cípatli civilisation on the Kidal Sea and in south Vidina, helped archaeologists and historians to explain a variety of polemics that had been plaguing the field since modern archaeology began in Énqusqó in the 19th century. First amongst these was the discrepancy of the archaeological records and the Dinuuen historical records of Énqusqó. Proponents of the Centralised First Kingdom Theory, believe that the Dinuuen military was simply uncapable of conquering the peninsula without severe losses, and that the records existed as excuses that protected the prestige of the empire. The Centralised First Kingdom Theory is, however, not universally accepted in academia. The expansion of the Cípatli civilisation also helps to explain the displacement of non-Énqusqan cultures along the southern coast of Vidina and on the islands of Naou Coili. People in these regions still continue to speak Énqusqan languages into the modern day.

By the time populations in Énqusqó adopted Dinuuen writing systems, the Cíptali civilisation had already collapsed. The exact cause of this collapse is unknown, however, archaeological evidence from late Cípatli sites between 200 BCE and 100 BCE show evidence of fires, volcanic eruptions, flooding and earthquakes. It is also speculated famine and plague may have been contributing factors. The effects of the collapse were severe and had a dramatic impact on the societies of the peninsula, which remained decentralised until the 2nd century CE.

Interregnum
The Interregnum, sometimes known as the Énqusqan Classical period, is a historical period that lasted from the fall of the Cípatli civilisation circa 200 BCE to the end of the War of Flowers in 957 CE. The period is marked by the emergence of the first nation states in Énqusqó in the form of petty kingdoms and republics. The first written records from the peninsula also begin in the Interregnum, particularly in the Narícan peninsula in the south west of Énqusqó. Advances were also made in seafaring, facilitating the creation of the Purple Current, which was a naval trade route that connected the markets of Vidina to those in Tiridinia and beyond.

Énqutsa city-states
Énqutsa society during the interregnum went through a transition from a society centred around female power to a divided society dominated by men. This division was so extreme that some anthropologists have classified the system as two interdependent and parallel societies stacked one atop the other.

The domain of women in society was the Clan unit. Clans were landed matriarchal familial groups. The lands of a clan were considered to be owned by the women of the clan collectively, although a matriarch ruled over the clan unit with absolute authority. As lands were considered to belong to women only, Énqutsa society was matrilocal. Men who married into a clan would move to live with their wife on her estate within the clan’s land. There was a strong taboo against women entering the lands of other clans. This taboo combined with the desire for clans to expand their holdings through inheritance led to the development of bigamy, where a woman would take both a husband, in order to have children and expand the clan, and a wife, to provide alliances between clans and potential inheritance claims. Having married into a clan, a woman was then permitted to enter the lands of the clan. Many clans also had dedicated courtyards and flower gardens where they would conduct business with others where no such taboos were held.

Men’s role in society hinged around their role as landless actors. They were permitted to move freely between clans and filled many roles in political offices during the early interregnum. By the start of the common era, men began to trace their patrilineal heritage across clans and a new identity arose, the family unit. Families were headed by a patriarch and used their positions within clan structures to elicit their support and control. Clans across the peninsula quickly became subservient to the will of familial patriarchs who extorted tributes or taxes on the goods and services of clans.

Copying the bigamy prevalent amongst women, men began to take husbands alongside their wives. This ensured that alliances could be made between families. By 150 CE, the matriarchal society had been completely replaced by the patriarchal society that had developed above it. As all individuals were now considered part of both a clan and a family, a matriarch would owe allegiance to her patriarch through familial ties, and subsequently so would all her clan through their clan ties.

The urban world of the Énqutsa people became cemented as the seat of power during this period. Families and Clans were concentrated within the bounds of sprawling cities where they would organise themselves into city-states. These city-states we all structured differently, with some having republican governments, and other having monarchies, although the common feature of them all was the overarching patriarchy. From their seats in the cities, families would project their power outwards onto the surrounding rural clans through the use of military force and coercion. The city-states would often come into conflict with their neighbouring states and war was common.

Advent of writing
The Énqutsa people were the first literary society to emerge on the peninsula. The shifting nature of their culture around the advent of the common era precipitated a need for written records. The Dinuuen [SCRIPT] script had been in common usage amongst traders from the Empire of Tar-dinuu and Énqutsa merchants already had a familiarity with it. The first written records discovered on the peninsula are written in Dinuuen using the [SCRIPT] script. All of the surviving documents  are shipping manifests and records of tribute from clans.

The first texts written in Énqutsa were found in Sínyólon during the 1800s and have been dated to around 100 CE. These records are a collection of tsítsa stones that told a history of the Énqutsa people via an epic poem, or éntsítsa. The trend of Dinuuen being utilised for affairs of state and Énqutsa being utilised for artistic works continued for some time after the fall of the Empire of Tar-dinuu, although by 200 CE, Dinuuen had fallen out of use in Énqusqó. Few records in the other languages of the peninsula spoken during the first half of the interregnum exist, and for much of the northern and mountainous regions, the spread of writing did not occur until after the interregnum had ended.

Trade
Growing naval trade routes that passed through the Kidal Sea had been a driving factor in the development of the city-states and the adoption of writing. These trade routes were bolstered by the governments of the city-states, who promoted trade through the region and worked to fight the rising piracy. One of the most important historical trade routes developed during this time called the Purple Current, providing a reliable trade connection between Vidina and Tiridinia. The route is named for the purple dye produced along the Méesín Sea from a species of cultivated coral. The dye, known as mée purple, produced a variety of shades of purple depending on the exact cultivar of coral that the dye was made from. Export of the dye across the Kidal Sea and on to Vidina and Tiridinia made the Énqutsa city-states wealthy.

This wealth was frequently reinvested in the production of mée purple and the means to export it via the Purple Current. During the Interregnum naval advances were common and provided the Énqutsa city-states with more robust vessels that were capable of extended open-water voyages which greatly increased their naval power projection. These navies began to become a more prominent feature of warfare between states and blockades became increasingly commonplace. The city-states also established many outposts, particularly along the southern coasts of Vidina. These outposts became major points of transition between the Purple Current and the interior land-based trade routes of the continent. These outposts would soon develop into city-states of their own and in the 6th century CE, many of these city-states declared themselves independent entities. The rise of these cities facilitated an export of Énqutsa culture and philosophy to the surrounding local cultures. The early ideas of urbocentrism were especially commonly seeded in these Énqutsa colonies.

Nurvidin plague
The Nurvidin plague was a brackish fever pandemic in the regions surrounding the Kidal Sea between 365 CE and 378 CE. It is the second most fatal pandemic recorded on the Kidal Sea, causing the death of approximately 9 million people, around 60% of the estimated population at the time. The plague takes its name from the city of Nurvidin, where the plague was first identified and written down in medical records. The origin of the Nurvidin plague is disputed, however, it is well understood that the disease was brought into the region along trade routes. There is some evidence that populations in the north of Énqusqó may have been experiencing the plague earlier based on symptoms recorded by healers. These symptoms are similar to other cases of brackish fever, although they are more severe in Nurvidin plague.

The plague became endemic to the region and severe recurrences of disease continued to 378 CE. Several treatments and theories were used by healers around the Kidal Sea, however, it wasn't until 377 CE that the prominent Cíxutsa healer, Zuró Váa Péxya, proposed treating Nurvidin plague like other cases of brackish fever. This involved the deliberate stinging of the patient with the golden sea-anemone (Énqutsa: xyínyéru paáca) as the stings have a numbing and antipyretic effect. The treatment of Nurvidin plague using this method was successful in reducing the severity of the symptoms and so subsequent outbreaks became much less severe.

War of Flowers
The War of Flowers was a major military conflict that came at the close of the Interregnum. The war was fought between the the Kingdom of Min and the Kingdom of Xyóo. After the death of the King of Min in 954 CE, his only issue and daughter, Póo Mín Tsetli, took advantage of the turmoil brought about by his sudden and suspicious death. Póo Mín had been groomed by her father to take up his mantle after him, as his true heir, Va Mín Motsú, was a sickly child. She accused her betrothed, the Xyóo king Muú Xyóo Tín, of having acted to assassinate her father in order to bolster his power in the region. Due to careful manipulation of these events and her familiarity with her father's generals, she was able to secure the support of the Mín army, declaring war against her betrothed in 955 CE. This feat is particularly noteworthy in Énqutsa history as Póo Mín was acting entirely outside of her prescribed gender roles.

The war takes it's name from the various stories that arose around the declaration of war. History states that Póo Mín Tsetli received a bouquet of flowers from her betrothed upon the day that her father died. She was reported to have burnt the flowers and exclaimed that Xyóo blood would irrigate Cílonyósqu's flower gardens. Whether this story is true is a topic of contention amongst historians, although there is clear evidence that Póo Mín Tsetli would later only permit the planting of red flowers in her royal estates.

The war was one of the longest conflicts between city-states on the peninsula, with the siege of the Xyóo capital, Tsétlaxó, lasting over a year. In 957, the palatial complex in the city surrendered and Muú Xyóo Tín was beheaded and thrown into the Bay of Qalon.

Empire of Énqusqó
The Empire of Énqusqó, also known as the Second Kingdom of Énqusqó, is the longest ruling power to have existed on the Énqusqan peninsula. From its founding in 957 to its eventual demise at the hands of Salian colonial efforts in the late 17th century, it left an important cultural mark on the south of Vidina and the nations on the Kidal Sea. Many theories of governance, law, art and religion arose during its near 750-year-long existence.

Early empire
The founding of the Second Kingdom in 957 CE marked the end of the War of Flowers. The war was won by the young princess Póo Mín Tsel of Cílonyósqu after a protracted siege of the palatial complex of Tsétlaxó, which was made the new capital of the empire to boost prestige and legitimacy. Styling herself after the mythic Kings of the First Kingdom, she took a fourth name, Xyémútli, a title that became inherited by her descendants. Many scholars have mistakenly mistook the titular nature of the name for a family name, as such the Póo Mín dynasty was historically referred to as the Xyémútli dynasty by foreign scholars.

The early history of the Empire saw a series of political, cultural, artistic, legal and military reforms. Special focus was given to the construction of a fleet of 1,370 grand war canoes, the largest single navy to sail in the Kidal Sea before the 19th century. This navy was used to steer trade towards the cities of the Empire, sinking or commandeering ships that refused to enter port to pay tariffs. This strangle hold on trade in the region lead to many small wars with neighbouring cities on islands in the Kidal and along the coast of Énqusqó resulting in expansion of the empire's borders.

Golden age
At the point of its foundation, the empire and those within its borders were flung into a golden age. Many of the advances made by the people of the empire during this time were brought about by the societal upheaval that Póo Mín Tsetli brought to the region.

As a woman, her position of power was tenuous and went against the now well-established patriarchal tradition. After her coronation as empress, she took her cousin as a husband to ensure her claims to rule over the old kingdom of Mín through blood, and the kingdom of Xyóo through conquest. In taking a member of her family as a husband, she ensured that her children would be part of both her Clan and her Family. This created the idea of a royal dynasty, which she enshrined in law. The children of a monarch would from then on belong to the Clan and Family of the monarch. She also secured her claims to political office by creating legislation that ensured that both men and women could take political office. It was deemed illegal to prevent an appointment of any person to office based upon their gender role. Signed in 958, this is the oldest gender equality law in the world.

Her legal reforms also extended to the nature of the state. Having been educated by her father in many subjects, Póo Mín Tsetli was familiar with the works of early urbocentrist thinkers such as Zólu Váa Pésú. She would famously decree that she ruled on behalf of the many Clans and Families that operated within her borders. Critics of her political philosophy frequently addressed her as the "servant queen". This legal position was possibly influenced by her studies of the Dinuuen histories, that explained how the Empire of Tar-dinuu granted conquered provinces greater autonomy to ease their transition into the imperial system. As such, the major cities of her new empire were granted the right to appoint local leaders through their own means.

To aid in the administration of this new state apparatus, in 970 the first census was performed on the peninsula. It recorded the names, addresses, professions and incomes of all peoples over the age of 15 who had been within her borders for more than one year, including slaves and foreigners.

The Póo Mín dynasty also saw great shifts in the arts, especially poetry, which saw many new movements over the course of the dynasty's reign.

Empress Póo Mín Tsetli died in 1004 CE, aged 73, and was succeeded by her eldest child, Póo Mín Tún. He was 42 upon his coronation and had spent much of his youth by his mother's side on naval conquests. Many records from the time describe him as a very ambitious man who dreamed of uniting the whole Kidal Sea under his rule and in the first 12 years of his reign he made some success towards this goal, conquering cities along the western coast of Énqusqó as far north as the Zyerín Sea. In 1017, a tsunami in the Kidal Sea devastated the empire's navy and economy, which was almost entirely formed from coastal industries and trade. The Emperor spent the remainder of his reign quelling local rebellions and rebuilding communities. Some scholars believe he went into a deep depression after seeing the devastation of his empire. Many contemporary accounts suggest he became increasingly neglectful of his duties and the daily functioning of the Empire largely fell to his only daughter Póo Mín Nyáru. He threw himself from the cliffs of the palatial complex in 1026 after a reported episode of mania at the age of 64. His 37-year-old daughter Póo Mín Nyáru was crowned Empress within hours of her father's death. The timeline of events surrounding his death has lead to speculation about foul play by later historians.

Under Póo Mín Nyáru I, the Empire recovered greatly from the damage of the tsunami and the poor management of her father. She expanded the land forces of the state, creating a formal standing army trained in jungle warfare. After a bloody 10 year-long campaign, the central and eastern regions of the peninsula came under rule of the Empire. These military campaigns were followed by a period of peace and the rebuilt navy patrolled the Kidal Sea maintaining the trade monopoly and hunting pirates. This peacetime lasted throughout the reign of Nyáru I and the benefits were felt beyond the Kidal Sea as trade, although heavily tariffed, flowed freely and free from piracy. The export of Énqutsa art, culture and religion reached its first peak during this period and being well versed in Énqutsa literature and song was a sign of high nobility and education in courts as far as [DISTANT VIDINA].

She had been a more controversial monarch than even her grandmother had been. Nyáru I had refused to marry a man for her first marriage, instead marrying one of her childhood friends, the poet Zéeya Lín Tsa. This was considered especially taboo at the time and many contemporaries were concerned that she had failed her duty to ensure a smooth succession and the continued legacy of her grandmother. Modern scholars take a much more sympathetic approach to her rule and, along with her wife, she is considered an important historical figure to homosexual women around the world.

Nyáru I died without issue. The ensuing succession crisis halted the Énqusqan golden age, and advancements made by the empire would never again reach the rate that it had under the Póo Mín dynasty.

Pentaregnum
Póo Mín Nyáru was without issue upon her death as neither she, nor her wife had produced any children at the time of her death. The resultant succession crisis between 1070 and 1080 and is known as the Pentaregnum after the five rulers that came to sit the Énqusqan throne during this period. The bloodshed that arose from the crisis ended with the establishment of the Póo Mara dynasty with Lí I, although the empire was in total disarray from the uncertain decade.

Age of stagnation
The state of the Empire after the Pentaregnum was dire. The navy had been severely damaged and piracy had become rife along the important trade routes that fed the Imperial coffers. The 6-year-long regency of Na Mín Lí spent much of its effort re-establishing the Empire and its position on the Kidal to ease the burden faced by Crown Prince Póo Mara Lí when he came to ascend the throne. Although never re-attaining its size during the Póo Mín dynasty, the Imperial fleet managed to regain control over the Kidal sea and trade began to be directed back towards the heartlands of the Empire. The return of wealth through trade and taxation allowed the privileged noble-merchant class to expand.

Lí I was considered by contemporary sources to be have been a fair and just ruler, focusing on expanding the wealth of the holdings under his domain. New infrastructure projects were started under his commission, including an expansion to the University of Tsétlaxó and the construction of several new aqueducts, ports and causeways in the imperial heartlands. Alongside the work performed by his father during the regency, the brief 18 year reign of showed promise for revival of the Póo Mín prosperity.

His heir, Póo Mara Lí II, ascended to the throne in 1107 at the age of 19 with much celebration across the empire. Lí II had spent his youth touring the country to learn rulership from the various governors of the empire's city states. He had also spent much time in the Royal Fleet of the Grand Navy, engaging in several trade and political delegations with neighbouring states as well as pirate hunting expeditions. He continued his interest in both good governance and naval supremacy into his reign. Many of the projects commenced under his father's reign came to completion under the continued support of Lí II's Crown including planned expansions to the Grand Navy. According to records there were 263 Tsúu and 557 Tévu within the Grand Navy under Lí II.

Póo Mara Lí III was Invariably described as 'brash' by his contemporaries. His reign saw harsher regulation of trade through the Kidal Sea. By the age of 22 there had already been 6 attempts made on his life by disgruntled factions at court. The last attempt had left him blind in his left eye. Lí III decided to break from the tradition of his two predecessors and thought the lack of outward, direct power projection would inevitably lead the empire into a period of stagnation. This prompted several naval incursions in north Tiridinia along the Kidal coast. Lí III also sanctioned the establishment of trade posts across the Empire's trade routes which became an important factor in the continued dissemination of Énqutsa culture and language. The growing threat of war and the impact that would have upon the noble-merchant class of the Empire, alongside worried pleas from neighbouring rulers forced the hand of the Court. In 1164, before commencing a session of Court, several prominent politicians and courtiers seized the king and drowned him in the pools of the Merchant's Garden, the usual location of Court when the weather was fair.

By the 13th century the institutions of the Empire had become corrupt and complacent. The monarchs had begun to lose the respect of the populace and the imperial court had become a stage for sycophants. This, alongside heavy taxes that had been implemented to fund the lavish lifestyles of the ruling class, had lead to general unrest. Additionally, rivalries persisting from the Interregnum began to manifest as religious tensions between neighbouring city-states.

Quramín reformation
A series of rebellions from 1236 to 1251 across the Empire posed a serious challenge for the court of Empress Póo Mara Nyáru II, and after her death in 1250, the court of her son Emperor Póo Mara Xyun I, who found themselves grossly unprepared to quell unrest; the navy had been underfunded for nearly 100 years and the standing army of Póo Mín Nyáru had been disbanded in 1098. By 1262, Emperor Xyun I had managed to gain control over some rebellious provinces, installing new governors in the cities. This intervention in municipal affairs set a dangerous precedent that violated some of the oldest laws of the empire. It had been the case that the city-state was sovereign for nearly 400 years, and many members of the court wrote concerned letters about the wisdom of deposing sovereign, often elected rulers, in favour of loyalists to the central state. Despite the efforts to regain control over lost territories, the conquests along the northern Tiridinian coast and north of the Vinca broke free of Énqusqan rule.

To prevent religious tensions from tearing the empire asunder, Xyun I made efforts to centralise power through his 1262 religious reforms. He created an organisation to federalise the belief systems of the various deities and beliefs of the peninsula called the Oracles of Cevópó. This new religious system saw the combination of some deities into a singular figure, which promoted a great degree of unity between city-states that shared a patron deity under this new system. These reforms were extremely unpopular with the conservative and reactionary politicians at court, although critics of the reforms quickly fell silent after it became apparent that they had reduced instability in the empire.

In the wake of the unpreparedness of both the military and the navy, spending within the court was reduced in order to redevelop the institutions that had allowed the Empire to rise to power at the turn of the millennium. The loss of territories during the rebellions had made the empire look weak on the international stage and the prestige that the empire had afforded in previous centuries began to wane. The revival of the imperial navy facilitated a rejuvenation of trade in the Kidal and a reduction in the piracy that had taken root during the long period of stagnation.

By 1279, the Empire had regained its holdings in north Tiridinia, however, the northern cities had been subsumed by [NORTHERN NEIGHBOUR] and the empire was not capable of fighting a prolonged terrestrial military campaign after diverting funding to the navy.

Decline of the empire
From its founding to the early 14th century, the Empire of Énqusqó faced no consolidated rivals to its hold over the Kidal Sea. Even during the stagnation that plagued the empire during the 12th and 13th centuries, no naval power was capable of mounting a fleet to combat the Imperial Navy. The period of Énqusqan hegemony came to an abrupt end with the rise of the Kingdom of Higher Tar-dinuu in 1329. Initial relations between the two monarchies were cordial, although small skirmishes over trade became increasingly common. By 1367, these skirmishes had become so severe that war broke between the two kingdoms in what is now known as the First War for the Kidal. Initial successes in the Kidal islands soon collapsed under the first recorded invasion of the peninsula by a foreign force. The underprepared Énqusqan army was swiftly pushed back by Dinuuen forces and by [DATE] the capital of Tsétlaxó was captured. The royal court had fled the city during its siege along the river [RIVER] and established a court in exile in Laltázalqó. This event marked the end of the war, with the empire ceding the territories conquered by the Dinuuen forces.

The loss of the core of the empire was devastating for the Énqusqan economy. To quell growing unrest in the remaining lands of the empire, the Imperial Court was forced to transfer more powers to the local rulers of the cities. These leaders had organised into an advisory council to the monarch, independent from the court, allowing them to circumvent any restrictions still placed on their power by directly lobbying the monarch. In 1381, this advisory council was officially recognised as an organ of the state known as the Regal Council. This decree rendered many of the old positions in the Imperial Court powerless, and the Imperial Court would only continue to fall into irrelevance with time.

Restriction of the crown
In 1421, under the regency of Póo Mara Nyáru IV, the Regal Council was able to achieve the right to legislate on behalf of the monarch. This was due to two coinciding movements within the empire. The leaders of cities had become much more influential in politics over the previous 40 years since the establishment of the Regal Council. Many laws created by the monarch and the Imperial Court were simply ignored across much of the empire where they did not enjoy the support of local rulers. This engineered inefficiency allowed the Regal Council to hold great leverage over both the monarch and the Imperial Court. The regent who ruled in Nyáru IV's stead was Zyáláa Moto Motsú, the ruler of Laltázalqó. He exercised much of his power as regent to pursue his own agendas.

The 1400s saw an increase in urbocentrist political philosophers in the empire and Zyáláa Moto was known for his several essays on the subject. He created a series of laws, known as the Acts of Servitude, which severely curtailed the powers of the monarch and confirmed the sovereignty of city-states within the empire, particularly their right to reject the monarchy. The acts also transferred the legislative powers previously enshrined in the monarch and the Imperial court to the Regal Council, which became the unicameral legislature of a new parliamentary system.

These reforms were immensely successful through the empire and afforded the economy with a great deal of stability, and the empire began to exert outwards influence.

Colonialism
Over the course of the 16th and 17th centuries, the Second Kingdom of Énqusqó fell and the peninsula was subsequently divided between foreign powers who all had interest in controlling trade through the Kidal Sea. The two regions that would come to be the RCE were carved out as the Myrish colony of Viinkeland in the north and the Ordrish colony of [ORDRISH COLONY] in the south. Despite being controlled by two Alutran powers, the people there were subjected to different approaches to colonialism. Prior to this transfer of power to the Alutrans, the Dinuuens had control over the land that became [ORDRISH COLONY] and are often called the first colonisers of the peninsula. Some historians discredit the notion that the Dinuuens practiced a comparable system of institutional colonialism to Alutrans on the peninsula, however, this position is overwhelmingly held by Dinuuen historians, receiving much less credit in international academia. Many beliefs and societal structures were uprooted by this period of external influence and while the relationship provided investment and technological development in the colonies, they were solely utilised to deepen the exploitation of the natives.

Second War for the Kidal
Growing Alutran presence in the Kidal in the 1500s made many rulers anxious. The Kingdom of Higher Tar-dinuu had aligned itself with the interests of the Tubica'i, and in the 1550s, the two powers enacted several laws which restricted the operations of Alutran merchants on the Kidal and in Tiridinia. In particular, a law passed in 1555 in Higher Tar-dinuu restricted the cities in which Alutrans could own property and by 1556 this law was being enforced. Many local leaders from Kidal islands were arrested for selling land to Alutrans without the permission of the Edmuralit. These laws heavily impacted the many Ordrish and Myrish citizens that owned property in the Kidal and in 1557 appeals for aid were met with support from the Ordrish and Myrish navies. The ensuing war is known to history as the Second War for the Kidal.

Using piracy as a justification, the Ordrish and Myrish navies had been growing in presence within the Kidal Sea for years. Despite this, the initial phase of the war did not go quickly in their favour, several key naval engagements in the eastern Kidal Sea proved that the Alutrans had underestimated their opponent's naval prowess and capacity for logistics. A ceasefire was declared after only three months of conflict and negotiations began. During these negotiations, the Alutran powers launched separate negotiations with many leaders of the eastern Kidal and Tar-enkuu. These regions had previously been under the rule of the Second Kingdom of Énqusqó and had lost many of their former liberties under Dinuuen rule. The Alutrans promised many of the rulers they negotiated with independence should they win a war against Higher Tar-dinuu. From letters that survive from this period it is clear that the Alutrans expected many concessions in return for this, including fleet basing rights and tax exemptions. This time also allowed more Ordrish and Myrish ships to amass in friendly ports in the eastern territories of Higher Tar-dinuu.

By 1558 the ceasefire had ended, even after negotiations with the Dinuuens had been successful for the Alutrans. With their newfound support in the east, increased firepower and a deeper understanding of Dinuuen and Tubica'i tactics, the Alutran powers quickly took control over the eastern Kidal islands and Tar-enkuu. Later attempts to push west were complicated by growing unrest amongst the native Kidal and Énqutsa peoples that had sided with the Alutrans. Alutran diplomats moved into many of the major urban centres where they would cause disruption to local affairs and enforce Alutran laws. It became increasingly apparent to the local elites that the Alutrans did not mean to follow through on their promises that had been made during the ceasefire negotiations. Insurrection by the natives encouraged the Alutrans, particularly Ordrey, to increase their military presence within cities in order to maintain the peace. Riots and protests proved a serious distraction from the campaigns in the western Kidal Sea. A particularly disruptive riot in 1559, involved the burning of the entire Myrish fleet harboured in Nyaxyu. Scans of the city's harbour in 2016 showed the wrecks of 26 Myrish vessels buried beneath the sediment. These setbacks lead to a stalemate between the Alutran and Tiridinian powers and white peace was declared in 1560.

Ordrish rule
[WILL DISCUSS WITH RHI]

Myrish trade crisis
Growing Alutran trade interests in the Kidal Sea lead to caution from many Kidal states. The empire had reacted by creating legislation to restrict all trade with Alutran merchants to the capital of Laltázalqó. This was a common move by governments in the region that wished to minimise foreign influence in the frontier areas more susceptible to secessionist movements.

In 1602, several prominent cities along the Zyerín opened their ports to Myrish traders from the Myrish Huenarno Company. The vanilla groves in the region proved attractive to Myrish merchants, and local businessmen in these cities wished to profit from trade without tariffs and interference from the monarchy. The city-states were in direct defiance of an Imperial decree, which caused a political crisis in the Regal Council and the Imperial Court. Despite the advice of the Imperial Court, the Empress Póo Mara Nyáru V was constrained by the Acts of Servitude and risked losing control over the Zyerín if she took action against these states. After 2 years of trading in violation of the Empress' wishes, a new Imperial decree permitted Myrish traders to dock inside ports on the Zyerín Sea.

Continued investment by the Huenarno Company made the cities of the Zyerín immensely rich. To continue this relationship with Gladomyr, many cities began to grant land to serve as Myrish embassies. This was poorly received by politicians and courtiers in the capital. There was a strong sentiment in both the Imperial Court and the Regal Council that harsh punishments should be dealt to the city-states around the Zyerín. Nyáru V, however, was still constrained by the Acts of Servitude, although by having the support of the Regal Council, she was empowered to intervene. Despite this Imperial correspondences seem to show that the Empress feared repercussions from Gladomyr. Any action against the city-states would disrupt Myrish trade routes and the expulsion of Myrish diplomats from the various embassies on the Zyerín could serve as a justification for war. The Empress instead moved to enter negotiations to transfer the states to the control of Gladomyr.

This policy served to remove the problematic and rebellious states of the Zyerín from the empire, as well as providing assurances from Gladomyr to respect the Énqusqan Crown. The Myrish also agreed that trade and official diplomacy with the Empire would be conducted from Laltázalqó. These talks began in 1629 and by 1630 the territories had been sold to the Myrish Huenarno Company. This sale was not a direct transfer of the territories to the Myrish Crown, instead, the company was granted huge monopolies and powers within the city-states which would in turn be granted independence. This new region of indirectly controlled Myrish influence would come to be known as Viinkeland. The establishment of Viinkeland marks the beginning of a trend that would continue through the rest of the century.

Salian coup
[SALIAN CONQUEST]

Viinkeland
Viinkeland, despite its nominal independence, was still considered to be a dominion of the growing Myrish Empire. The region was primarily administered by the Huenarno Company which possessed multiple factories, plantations and estates across Viinkeland. This administration was centred around the newly founded settlement of Nü Denkev, modern day Núzenqó, which quickly grew in population as Myrish merchants came to Viinkeland to benefit from the valuable agricultural products that could be extracted from the region. The company had monopolies over many sectors of the economies of Viinkeland, which gave the company massive political clout within the city-states. This influence was often exploited by the company to play the city-states off one another and prevent any organised resistance to Myrish interference.

The prosperity of the region and its location on the Kidal sea attracted other Myrish merchant companies to operate in the region, particularly the Myrish East Vidina Company, which used the ports in Viinkeland as an important rest stop on voyages between their holdings in East Vidina and Gladomyr. By the 1670s the Huenarno Company had become integral to the functioning of the governments of the city-states in Viinkeland. This gave the company immense sway in the region and in 1678 they purchased a small merchant company that had been founded in Vinqu, the Myrish Kidal Company, to act as a subsidiary which would function as the administrative branch of the Huenarno Company in Viinkeland.

Many assets were transferred from the Huenarno Company to the Kidal Company for administration. This greatly improved the ability for Gladomyr to enforce rule over the region. The Kidal Company expanded its headquarters in Vinqu and began to install itself as the sole trading company in the region by buying up the assets of rival trade companies and the native populations. It was able to do this by lobbying the Viinkeland governments which had been rendered subservient to company policy and through the appeal of the Myrish Crown to be granted a trade monopoly over Viinkeland. With time, the Kidal Sea Company was able to centralise Viinkeland under their rule and break away from the Huenarno Company, which lost its charter in the region to a bid by the Kidal Sea Company in 1697. By 1700, 90% of the population worked for the Kidal Sea Company and the previously independent governments of the region were largely dissolved in favour of direct rule by the company.

Myrish canal
In the 19th century trade through the Kidal Sea was dominated by Ordrey which hampered the productivity of Myrish colonies in south Vidina, including their colony on the Yalzherín. To help combat the Ordrish trade monopoly in the region, plans for a canal to be built through the isthmus of Vinca were created. [INCOMPLETE]

World War One
[INCOMPLETE]

World War Two
The Énqusqan peninsula formed a key strategic region in the Second World War. The straits of the Kidal and the Vinca canal were of particular importance to both Concert and Alliance powers. Having secured the Northern Passage to prevent supply lines reaching Ta’aroha, Riyatic strategy was organised around prevent the Ta'arohan navy access to the Shazabi Ocean. Attempts to reopen supply lines via the Northern Passage to Ta'aroha by Salia proved fruitless and so attention was turned towards the Kidal Sea.

In 1945, towards the end of the war, Salia and its ally Higher Tar-dinuu were able to launch several successful naval and amphibious campaigns across the Kidal Sea and in Viinkeland. This was a major loss for the Concert powers who lost access to important naval bases that gave them control over passage between the Locufaric Ocean and the Shazabi Ocean. At the defeat of the Concert powers in 1946, the conquests were divided between Higher Tar-dinuu and Salia. Initially, HTD had a strong military and naval presence within the areas which it had conquered during the fighting. The government had made specific efforts to restore the old Dinuuen borders from before the Second War for the Kidal. It had been successful in doing so, regaining control over the eastern Kidal islands and the south east of Énqusqó. The Dinuuens believed they were entitled to this land and so began to set up governors for the new islands and city-states. This endeavour was halted by the sinking of a Dinuuen ship transporting a governor to !Island by the Salian Navy. HTD was in no position to engage in war with the much more massive Salian force and so negotiations over the division of the conquered territories began. The Dinuuen perspective was the restoration of the old borders and this was somewhat agreeable to the Salian position. The Salian Kingdom of Énqusqó was a delicately managed system in the Salian Empire and adding the rebelious regions in south east Énqusqó could destabilise the region as a whole. Salia needed control over the key strategic points of the Kidal Sea and so it demanded direct control of the eastern Kidal islands and of Viinkeland, which contained the Vinca canal. HTD was forced to acquiesce. In Viinkeland, the old Myrish system of administration was allowed to continue with a company licensed in the Salian Kingdom of Énqusqó acting as the administrative colonial body. This approach was taken for the same reasons as to granting the south east of the peninsula to the Dinuuens: reducing instability. Internationally, these efforts were presented as "restoring a pre-colonial order" although the reality of post-WW2 Énqusqó was just as colonial as before.

Second inter-war period
Conflict in the newly re-established Tar-enkuu didn't stop with the ending of the Second World War. The war had devastated local communities and the Dinuuen Heritage party was making life increasingly difficult for the native Énqutsa. The first protests against Dinuuen rule broke in 1946, mere months after the annexation of the region by HTD. These protests were met with harsh punishments from the DHP who began to increase military presence on the peninsula where raids were conducted on communities to collect dissenters who were often tortured and executed. This treatment was not unique to Tar-enkuu and similar practices were applied to the growing unrest movements in the Kidal and the mainland.

Eventually these protests devolved into several guerrilla resistance groups across Tar-enkuu. At first these groups did little more than apply pressure to the Dinuuen militaries and disrupt supply lines, which in turn only encouraged more troop deployments to the peninsula. As these resistance groups grew more numerous they began to gain meaningful advances against Dinuuen occupation and many regions began to act independent of Dinuuen law. This warfare emboldened resistance and unrest movements in the rest of HTD. The DHP was forced to cut its losses in Tar-enkuu as the threat posed by the resistance movements closer to the mainland was greater than the rebelling Énqutsa. The DHP was also able to use the withdrawal of Dinuuen troops from Tar-enkuu to their advantage. The Dinuuen people had grown discontent with the continued military intervention in the region and saw it as a meaningless continuation of WW2. By ending the conflict and withdrawing from the area, the DHP hoped to quiet some of the unrest they were facing from the mainland.

In 1949, the final Dinuuen troops were withdrawn from the peninsula and the region was left to organise itself into new independent states.

Post-colonial era
The Treaty of Cílonyósqu, the treaty that established the modern borders of the south-western city-states, was signed in 1950 and marked the start of the post-colonial era on the peninsula. This era saw the fall of colonial power in the region and the formation of the modern Republic.

Pre-Republic International Organisations
After the withdrawal of of Dinuuen troops from the peninsula in 1949, a political vacuum was left on the peninsula. As the region had not won its independence through any one political or military group there was no natural state to inherit the role. Several key leaders from these militia groups met at Cílonyósqu, where they established the Council of Independence - a body to decide the political organisation of the peninsula. The Council operated under the principle that it was not a democratic body and so any decisions reached should only become binding should they be ratified by a process of democracy. The long period of colonialism made an obvious solution of political organisation hard to determine and the debates lasted for months. There were two factions that arose within the Council. The first faction advocated for a unified state modelled after the principles of urbocentrism. The second faction resisted this unification as there were concerns about replacing the tyranny of foreign powers with a tyranny imposed by a single state. The second faction advocated for the administrative divisions of Tar-enkuu to be redrawn according to historical and cultural boundaries dating back to the interregnum. The nationalist fervour brought about by the successful recapture of their homelands had deepened the Énqutsa identity, although this was strictly tied to their citizenship of a city-state, more than a collective cultural community. The first faction conceded its position and in early 1950 the Treaty of Cities was drafted.

In order to have the treaty be accepted under the principles of the Council of Independence, new, democratic states must be created. Dinuuen and Ordrish administration of the region had largely preserved the borders established under the Second Kingdom of Énqusqó, although some minor adjustments were made to grant true independence to larger settlements. Twenty-two new councils were created to determine the appropriate forms of government for each new city-state and to then hold free and fair elections to bring those new states into being. This process was not completed at the same speed across the peninsula. The first city-states to elect governments were Tsétlaxó, Cílonyósqu and Calénqu all of which signed the Treaty of Cities by the summer of 1950. The final state to sign the treaty was Súusqó in the autumn of 1951.

Whilst their neighbours formed governments and political systems, the functional Énqutsa city-states faced immediate economic challenges. The region had been unified into a single economic market for nearly 600 years and the newly imposed borders quickly became an obstacle for governments and citizens. In early 1951, leaders and diplomats from Tsétlaxó, Cílonyósqu, Calénqu, Valqaró, Núusqó and Móoxu met in Cílonyósqu to work on solutions. It was quickly identified that an international treaty creating a large free-trade area would greatly improve the ability for the economies of Énqusqó to support each other as they developed. The three resultant treaties, known as the Cílonyósqu Agreements, created the organisations necessary to support a new free-trade area called the Post-Colonial Economic Sphere of Énqusqó (PCESE). Whilst not all the city-states had yet become signatories of the Treaty of Cities, the members of the PCESE agreed to treat them as if they had joined the PCESE so as to not prevent their economies from collapsing. If the city-state wished to withdraw from the PCESE after signing the Treaty of Cities it was able to do so, although this did not happen. After the official recognition of Súusqó, all of the independent states had officially joined the PCESE by signing the Cílonyósqu Agreements.

Treaty of Póo Mín Tsetli
The Treaty of Póo Mín Tsetli (TPMT) was signed on 12/08/1952 (14/04/1026/5) by six members of the PCESE in Tsétlaxó, breaking the tradition of international treaties being signed in Cílonyósqu. The treaty was an attempt to align the interests of the peninsula under a common political and diplomatic system called the United Cities (Énqutsa: Énqusa Pányezyúca). A growing pressure for unification had been created by the increasing tension on the world stage. The treaty established a diplomatic forum for the leaders of signatory members known as the Regal Senate (Énqutsa: Alaxótli Tsézalal) alongside a group of government ministers known as the Regal Council (Énqutsa: Xényúxótli Tsézalal). It was more common for the Regal Council to meet than the senate, as it was the sole role of these ministers to engage on diplomatic endeavours with other member states of the United Cities (UC). There was also an internally elected Grand Consul (Énqutsa: Énxényútli) who presided over the meetings of the council and ensure proper discourse. This council had the role of proposing bills for potential international treaties that would benefit the prosperity of the constituent nations they represented. Many of these proposals did not make beyond the council to the the Regal Senate for debate, refinement and signing.

An additional measure included within the signing of the treaty was the promise to incorporate a series of common laws between member states. Many of these laws were introduced under the reign of Empress Póo Mín Tsetli, for who the treaty was subsequently named, but were abolished by subsequent foreign and colonial powers. These laws were largely focused on providing the individual with rights to life, expression and justice. These rights were intentionally classified into ambiguous and broad categories in order for the possibility that amendments and clarifications may be made to the TPMT in the future without violating the integrity of the original wording of the treaty.

In order to enforce these new common laws, it was also agreed that there should be a new high court created to uphold the citizen's rights to justice at the supranational level. This new high court was formed by a high judge from each of the high courts of the member nations.

The treaty was written to contain a clause that acted to protect any member state from being bullied by the other states. The clause stated that all members must act to uphold the sovereignty of their fellow states, which has been called sufficiently vague that it can be interpreted as anything from a mutual defence pact between members, to an opportunity for nations to justify a war with any power that would not see Énqusqó ruled by its native people. The clause has never been used for the latter, but the mutual defence pact interpretation did come into play during World War Three.

The offer to sign the final version fo the treaty, which was originally negotiated by only the five founding members of the PCESE, was extended to the remaining members of the free-trade agreement and only one other state agreed to join, Mílálzalqu. The others were happy to remain within the free trade agreement of the PCESE but saw this new organisation as a breach of their sovereignty. Due to this rejection, which was considered as shocking by many politicians at the time, amendments were made to the economic reforms proposed that allowed member states to be both part of the PCESE and the newly suggested customs union.

Modern scholars treat the signing of this treaty as the start of the republic in all but name. The UC remained open for other members of the PCESE to join for its entire existence and has no requirements beyond the signature of the TPMT and subsequent adoption of its contents.

The UC had already begun to realise its goals on a regional level and had become the most prosperous economic bloc in the PCESE. The combination of this economic pressure plus growing world tension saw the accession of 3 additional city-states in 1953, bringing the entire independent southern coast of Énqusqó under the UC.

World War Three
With the advent of the Third World War, the Énqusqan peninsula was again consumed by war. The looming threat of invasion by Salia into the newly independent states became a major factor in the signing of the TPMT by Sínyólon and Énváronqó. This was for the perceived benefit of the potential for the treaty to act as a defensive pact. By mid-1954, the two states had fully joined the UC and with the outbreak of war in Alutra, plans were made for a unified military operation.

In 1955, fearing that the UC would act as a staging point for a Myrish or Riyatic invasion of their Énqusqan holdings, Salia began a pre-emptive invasion of the UC. This prompted Riyata, which was already involved in the conflict on the neighbouring isles of Naou Coili, to begin to aid UC forces. Despite the prowess of the Salian navy, all attempted naval invasions of the UC were thwarted by Riyatic air support and Énqutsa naval stratagem. Several blockades were established in the Kidal which aided in the successful capture of the Vinca canal by Riyatic ground forces in 1957.

Military efforts by the combined UC forces were plagued by poor logistics and clashes of personality between the military leaders of the different states. The only successful military campaign that was launched into Salia-controlled territory was led by [GENERAL]. He defied direct orders to not advance and pushed along the western coast from the border city of Yemálósqu, subsequently declaring its independence from Énváronqó. As the UC was preoccupied with the war, it was in no position to quell this rebellion and the majority of leaders chose to temporarily legitimise the new city-state despite the outrage of Énváronqan leadership. The is also evidence to suggest the success of the military campaigns led by [GENERAL] factored into legitimising his rebellion.

The war ended in Salian defeat and the UC nations took part in the peace negotiations. A point of contention in the discussions was over how the Énqusqan peninsula should be divided and the UC held strong anti-colonialist opinions which were largely effective. The result was that several new nations would be created from the Salian colonies, however, the land around the Vinca canal, which was purchased by Gladomyr before Salian rule, would become a Riyatic colony for a period of no more than 30 years, before it must be granted independence.

In the wake of the devastation that was brought to the peninsula during the war, there was a strong sentiment that the unified military operations had reduced the effectiveness of the militaries of each city-state. This established a precedent against unification that still impedes the growing integration of the modern republic. The states of the UC voted to fully recognise the new city-state of Yemálósqu due to its contributions during the war and allowed it to retain its holdings in peace negotiations. In return, the state had to conform to the rules that were laid out in the Treaty of Eleven, which was amended to reflect the new borders of Énváronqó.

Anti-colonialist movement
The members of the UC had been on the victorious side of the third world war. As such, they had gained a great deal of standing on the international stage and with the support of Riyata, Gladomyr and its former colonies, the smaller states of the peninsula were able to wield much greater global influence. To this end, and as to not overreach, the states formed a united front around one topic of controversy and began to work against colonialism. Due to the restrictions of their developing economies, the city-states struggled to finance major aid efforts across the globe, however, assisting the newly independent nation-states in Énqusqó proved much more feasible. This came through the expansion of the PCESE and the creation of several international cultural, educational and research exchange programs. Talks also began around the integration of these new states into the UC. The founding member states were also heavily involved in talks with their neighbour Nyilu-Enyu after their independence from Salia. Part of these discussions focused on the construction of constitutional limits to the diarchy.

There were criticisms of the UC members at peak of their anti-colonialist stance. There were calls, often from within the internal political environments of the states, that the governments of the UC were hypocritically ignoring the colonial efforts of their close ally Riyata in the north of the peninsula. Eventually, this political unrest culminated in a series of international protests held outside government buildings including the council house of the UC in Cílonyósqu. These protests forced the hand of the UC to begin negotiations with Riyata over shortening their lease on their northern Énqusqan colonies. [TALK WITH CEL ABOUT THIS]

The 1967 amendments
By 1966 the UC was formed from 15 nations and the Regal council had become emboldened to act on behalf of their respective governments with the Regal senate taking an increasingly smaller role in the negotiation of treaties. There was friction amongst the delegates from southern states over the growing bureaucratic nature of the EC as new members join. The Grand Consul at the time, Tsetli Mín Xénya, was in favour of increasing the unity outlined by the treaty of Póo Mín Tsetli and so the council began to draft a set of amendments to put before the senate. The amendments had one overarching goal: centralising the power of the UC as a single republic. In order to do this a new body was created called the Public Senate, which was to fill the role of a parliamentary legislative body and took on the previous powers of the Public Council. The Grand Consul's office was dissolved and a Grand Senator at the head of a new Public Council would take on the role of the executive. Further power was also devolved to this new government by the member states, forfeiting legislative power to the new government. The modern system of laws produced by the republic's legislature have their scopes defined by these amendments.

The delegates and Grand Consul were careful not to alienate the leaders of their governments as any change they suggested would still require the unanimous approval of the Regal Senate. Allowing the Regal Senate to persist as an upper house of the legislature and the head of state created an ideal opportunity to ensure that all member states would agree to the changes without feeling that they were relinquishing too much power.

At the end of 1966 the treaty was handed to the Regal Senate for deliberation and signing. Debate raged for months between the two bodies of the UC and within the governments of each state. However, on 29/04/1967 all 15 states signed to approve a modified version of the amendments that saw much of the centralisation delayed to occur within the next 30 years. This marked the de jure creation of the Republic of Énqusqó.

Nyilu-Enyu crisis
After achieving independence, Nyilu-Enyu governance sought to strengthen its economic ties with the RCE. Seeing an opportunity to expand the economic reach of the PCESE, the RCE suggested that talks begin to incorporate the country into the free-trade area, with the eventual goal of facilitating accession into the republic. These developments marked the potential for a new age of Énqusqan domination over the Kidal, which caused increased tensions between the RCE and HTD.

Politicians in HTD were already nervous about the inevitable unification of the Énqusqan peninsula through the PCESE, however, the inclusion of Nyilu-Enyu, proved to be an unacceptable threat to Dinuuen control of the region. There had been attempts made by Dinuuen emissaries to bring the Énqusqan states under a union with HTD, however, all were rejected. To prevent a reoccurrence of this, the approach taken was one of collaborating with the RCE through joining the PCESE if it could be reformed to better suit the image Dinuuen politicians had for a Kidal-based union. These discussions proved much more successful than previous attempts and the PCESE was dissolved and replaced with the Kidal Sea Cooperative Union (KSCU).

Partitions Act of 1971
The Partitions Act of 1971 came into force on 27/07/1971 (04/11/1045/2). The act marks the only time the RCE has redrawn the borders of active member city-states since its founding. The act came after la bought of civic unrest in the larger nations that had joined after World War Three who felt that they were not adequately represented within the senates of the republic. The politicians from southern member cities were stoic in their approach to the issue and formed a united front across party lines imploring that the issue lay with the size of the member states, not with the Houses of the Senate. After a few months of debate, it became clear that the populace of the larger city-states agreed with the stance of the southern politicians so plans were put in place to redraw the borders of the republic. The bill passed between the Public Senate and the Regal Senate repeatedly over the course of two years until finally a compromise was met. The act saw that the partitioned members were granted an additional seat for each new member city-state that was created from the territory that they previously governed. In total, 8 new city-states were created and they were all granted provisional membership to the Republic until governments were installed that could vote to fully accede into the Republic.

Whilst the act had proved successful internally, nations on the periphery of the republic were dissuaded from initiating talks about increasing their integration with the Republic. It wouldn't be for over a decade before any new members began negotiations for membership into the union, and even then extra reassurances had to be made that the borders of the city-states would be respected and not redrawn at the will of foreign powers.

Diplomacy Act of 1975

 * Part of the 30-year federalisation plan
 * 03/05/1975 (23/09/1049/3)
 * Saw the dissolution of political power from the states to the central government in foreign peaceful relations. => WF representation helped to provide a singular voice in the WF and have the republic taken more seriously as a single diplomatic entity.
 * Was contentious - brought about due to some political/foreign relations crisis?

Topography
[INCOMPLETE]

Climate
The Énqusqó peninsula lies entirely within the south Vidina equatorial climate zone. The peninsula receives large volumes of precipitation throughout the year, with low-lying regions by the coast receiving an annual average of 3,400mm, with the mountainous interior receiving upwards of 6,700mm annually. The region experiences two periods of heavier rainfall spaced by periods of lighter rainfall throughout the year. This variance is due to the crossing of the ITCZ across the peninsula. The temperature remains a near-constant 28°C year-round (27-30°C) with much greater temperature variance felt through diurnal shifts, which can see a fall of some 7°C at night.

The incidence of tropical storms and tropical cyclones is high in the region and has played a major part in the development of local ecosystems and human settlements. The most devastating cyclone in recorded history that hit the area came in [19th CENTURY] and saw the destruction of many Alutran assets, naval vessels and colonies across the peninsula. In the modern-day, the city-states of the peninsula have employed multiple infrastructural and environmental strategies to mitigate the impact of these natural disasters.

Biodiversity
Due to its tropical climate and geography, Énqusqó is considered a megadiverse country with a large number of species and high levels of endemism. By some estimates, 24% of the world's animal species are native to its territories. The mountainous and forested interiors of the peninsula are separated by low-lying regions which provide the isolation necessary for speciation between the various river valleys. The Peninsula lies on a key watershed between the Kidal and the Vidinan biogeographic realms and subsequently has a unique mix of flora and fauna unlike anywhere else on the globe. Énqusqó's endemism rate is second only to Higher Tar-dinuu with 31% of its 932 species of bird and 37% of its 235 species of mammal being endemic. The country has a range of sea and coastal ecosystems, including beaches, dunes, estuaries, mangroves, coral reefs, seagrass beds, coastal mudflats, tidal flats, algal beds, and small island ecosystems. Énqusqó is one of the countries to lie on the Grand Kidal Reef, with the world's most enormous diversity of coral reef fish, with more than 1,650 species.

About two-thirds of Énqusqó was covered in forest as of 2007, with some forests believed to be 130 million years old. The forests are dominated by Malvaceae. Lowland forest covers areas below 760 m (2,490 ft), and formerly covered much of the coastal regions, which is supported by the country's hot wet climate. There are around 14,500 species of flowering plants and trees estimated on the mainland and surrounding islands. Besides rainforests, there are over 1,425 km2 (550 sq mi) of mangroves in Énqusqó and a large amount of peat forest.

Logging, along with cultivation practises has devastated tree cover, causing severe environmental degradation in the country. Floods along the eastern Coast have been worsened by the loss of trees, and over 60% of the region's forests have been cleared. With current rates of deforestation, mainly for the vanilla industry, the forests are predicted to be extinct by 2030. Over 80% of Vinqu's rainforest has been logged to accommodate the rapidly industrialising economy. Deforestation is a major problem for animals, fungi and plants, having caused the extinction of numerous species. Most of the remaining forest is found inside reserves and national parks, which the republic has made major efforts to establish. Habitat destruction has proved a threat to marine life. Illegal fishing is another major threat, with fishing methods such as dynamite fishing and poisoning depleting marine ecosystems. Hunting has also been an issue for some animals, with overconsumption and the use of animal parts for profit endangering many animals, from marine life to [MARSUPIAL]. Marine life is also detrimentally affected by uncontrolled tourism.

Since the 1980s the government of the republic had come under heavy criticism for its disregard for the environment in the pursuit of industrialising the economy. This political landscape gave rise to the Environmentalist party, which has expanded to become the third-largest party in the modern Public Senate. After the Cocoa Bean Campaigns in the 1990s, which successfully blocked the establishment of several new oil fields, and internal lobbying by the Environmentalist party, the government of the republic began to take environmental action more seriously. This resulted in the creation of 79 new national parks and 23 new marine conservation zones, bringing the total of protected environmental areas to 119, the most created by any country at that time.

The government is actively working to reduce logging efforts to ease the environmental strain that their economic policies have created. There have also been agreements made between the republic and Higher Tar-dinuu to promote and protect the environment and biodiversity in the region. This unlikely partnership has proven to be a resounding message to the global stage that climate change has to be taken as a serious threat and environmental action is required by everyone.

Politics
Énqusqó is a republican confederation of city-states with a multi-partisan, bicameral parliamentary system. The republic has no single codified constitution, instead, the powers granted to the confederal government are established in a series of international treaties which are enforced through their enshrinement in the national laws of each member state. The most influential of these treaties is the Treaty of Póo Mín Tsetli, which, when combined with its amending treaties, outlines the devolved powers of the republic, protects the sovereignty of member states, establishes the three main institutions of the republic and provides universal rights for citizens.

At the confederation level, there is an imposed universal suffrage from age 15 in elections, which are held every three Qara years on the Qaraqayal calendar. The exact method of election is at the discretion of the government of each city-state but it must be some form of proportional representation.

Government
The legislative branch of government, known as the Gardens of the Senate, is formed from the Public Senate as a lower house and the Regal Senate as an upper house. The Public Senate consists of 351 seats which are distributed amongst the member states, with each state having a minimum of 9 seats each; the number of exact seats given to a member city-state is decided upon admission into the republic and is mandated by treaty, not specific algorithms. The Regal Senate is formed by the heads of government of each constituent member of the republic. It serves as both the upper house of the legislative branch and the head of state for the republic; it serves to approve or revise laws and empower governments that arise from the lower house but it does not have the power to generate legislation. A major principle of the Houses of the Senate is the use of consensus instead of a majority to reach decisions. In the Regal Senate, consensus alone is used for decision-making, as all matters brought before the Regal Senate require the cooperation and approval of all member city-states. Within the Public Senate, there is a strong culture of cooperation across party lines and striving for majority consensus, as legislation requires a 2/3 super majority vote in order to be approved by the lower house and sent before the upper house for review. The relatively few seats compared to the number of political factions within the Public Senate means that coalition governments and minority governments are common. It is rare for a single political party to achieve a majority in the Public Senate and never in history has one party obtained a controlling majority in an election.

The executive branch, known as the Public Council, takes office after receiving approval from both Senates. The head of government is known as the Grand Senator and they are appointed by the party/parties that form an incumbent government versus direct election by the populace. The Grand Senator may appoint senators to council positions to form a cabinet. The Public Council works in partnership with the Regal Council (formed by cabinet members of member city-state governments) to ensure that the laws and interests of the republic are upheld. A notable feature of the executive branch is that there is no council appointment that oversees a unified defence of the republic. Instead, each member has complete sovereignty over its military affairs and defence and the republic cannot negotiate with external powers on behalf of all members in regard to military matters. Despite this, the Treaty of Póo Mín Tsetli, which all member states must sign to join the confederation, requires that each member protects the sovereignty of each and every city-state, thus creating a mutual defence pact.

Legislative branch
Due to the structure of the republic as a confederation of states, the legislative branch receives devolved power from the constituent member states. This organisation of the state combined with the fundamental laws of the republic have led to a unique process of law-making. The lower house of the Senate, the Public Senate, is the only body of the confederal government that can propose statutory laws. These laws come in three distinct subtypes:


 * Direct Statues - Legally binding across the whole republic without implementation into the laws of member states.
 * Indirect Statutes - Legally binding across the whole republic, however, implementation to uphold the outlines of the statute is free for the individual governments to decide. These laws must be written into the legislature of member states to have an effect.
 * Specifications - Legally binding only to specific parties (including member states) that are ruled on by the statute.

These three types of statutory legislation are used as necessary per situation. Indirect statutes are most commonly created as they allow for each member state to implement solutions within their own governmental systems and promote solutions being found on the most pertinent level. Some scholars have written that the use of indirect statutes has created a situation wherein the primary law of member states could be viewed as secondary legislation under the republic, which has been a topic of much debate in political science literature. Specifications are unlike the two other subtypes in that they do not require approval from the Regal Senate for their implementation, instead, the Grand Court must vote unanimously in favour of the legislation. Although not codified, it is understood that the Grand Court would not veto any such specification unless it was found to be in breach of the pre-existing common law of the Republic. This means that specifications are considered passed without consultation of the Grand Court, and any concerned parties may appeal to the court if they deem the specification to breach any pre-existing legislation.

Executive branch
As the executive branch is formed from the Legislative branch, the Public Council can be and often is pivotal in the creation of statutory laws in the republic. In addition to its ability to influence the Public Senate, the Public Council has the power to generate secondary, regulatory legislation. These regulations also come in types and can only be created under direct statutes and specifications:


 * Direct Regulations - Legally binding across the whole republic without implementation into the laws of member states.
 * Indirect Regulations - Legally binding across the whole republic, however, implementation to uphold the outlines of the regulation is free for the individual governments to decide. These laws must be written into the legislature of member states to have an effect.
 * Recommendations - An official statement that is not legally binding and provides suggestions for individuals (this includes member states) to help achieve the wider goals of the republic.

Unlike statutory law, these rules only require approval by the Grand Court in the same manner as specifications. These regulations are written by consuls on the respective council of the executive branch and are written by experts in their fields as supposed to statutes that are written by elected officials (although often under the guidance of independent advisory boards or the Regal Council). It is common practice for recommendations to be made by members of the executive branch to the Houses of the Senate in order to promote discussion around a topic with the goal of creating legislation. Many political activists, especially of younger generations, see this process as meritocratic meddling in the affairs of state and wish to see recommendations to the legislature deemed in breach of the fundamental laws of the republic by the Grand Court, however, there has been little uptake of these concerns by Grand Justices.

2022 public election
The 2022 election of the seats of the Public Senate took place on the 7th September 2022 with the results announced at 9am on the 8th September. The election saw the Unionist Party lose just under half of their seats from the previous election in 2019. The Mercantilist Party received the largest share of the seats, sitting 212 senators. A vote for the Grand Nominee took place on the 8th September and the leader of the coalition between the Mercantilist and Northern Interests parties, Múla Tín Tún, was voted in-confidence. The Regal Senate also voted in-confidence and swore Múla Tín in as the 20th Grand Senator of Énqusqó on the 9th September 2022. He is the first Grand Senator to be elected to the position without the direct support of the Unionist Party.

Member city-states
As of 2022, there are 36 member city-states within the republic. These city-states are considered to be sovereign nations and are bound together in the Republic through a series of international treaties. Each city-state reserves the right to leave the confederation although there is no precedent for how this process would unfold as no member city-state has ever left the Republic since its founding. The most recent states to accede to the Republic are those in the northern Míró region, so named for its history as a Myrish colony. The capital of the republic is located in Tsétlaxó in the southern Ezíqó region. Each member retains its own military and there is no confederation-wide organisation of the military operations of the Republic, instead individual members must negotiate cooperative military operations outside of the frameworks of the republican government.

Judiciary system
The judiciary system of the republic is largely divorced from the other branches. The supreme court of the republic, called the Grand Court, is comprised of one high justice from each of the member states. All of the current 36 Grand Justices are rarely consulted in a singular session and most often only 7 Grand Justices are convened in order to hold a session of the Grand Court. As the city-state is considered sovereign by the fundamental law of the republic, the Public Senate has gained this sovereignty via metaphor as it wields the prerogative to legislate on behalf of the city-state. This quirk of convention blocks much of the power of the Grand Court to veto acts of the Senate, with its veto power extremely limited on statutory law. The Grand Court holds much more power over the executive branch and can effectively stall regulation, although the metaphorical extension of who holds sovereignty has begun to expand towards including the Grand Council. Mostly the court intervenes against the government only in constitutional matters.

The Grand Court acts as the highest court of appeal for criminal and civil cases in the republic and member city-states. It hears cases of the greatest public or constitutional importance affecting the whole population of the republic. It is headed by an internally elected president and vice-president who become involved in the appointment of new members from eligible candidates in the case of an opening. The court normally operates out of a dedicated building in Tsétlaxó, although the court is not strictly limited to convening in any given location and each member state is required to provide a Grand Court building in order to host a potential Grand Court session within their borders. As of December 2022, the Grand Court has sat in 17 of the 36 member states.

Foreign relations
The republic considers itself an extremely influential regional power on the Kidal Sea and focuses much of its attention on furthering the diplomatic and economic prosperity in the region. The member states of the republic have also been a members of the World Forum since its foundation and they collectively have a long history of advocating against colonialism and imperialism on the world stage. Since the republic gained a voting seat in the WF in 1975, the member city states maintain observer seats. Whilst considered a middling power on the world stage, the diplomatic influence of the RCE is strongly felt across the globe.

It has begrudgingly cooperated with Higher Tar-dinuu which it considers to be its greatest rival in the region. This was initially achieved through the Kidal Environmental Agreements (KEA), signed in 1987. Since the founding of the UC and continuing into the early modern republic, the confederation used the PCESE as an economic means of expanding its influence to neighbouring states that didn't wish to fully integrate into the republic. This process of expansion was tolerated by Higher Tar-dinuu until 19--, when talks began between members of the PCESE and Naou-Coili, the first state outside of Énqusqó that expressed interest in joining. The ensuring political crisis saw HTD join the international organisation under the pretence that it be restructured to be more in line with their proposed system of Kidal unification. The result of this was the dissolution of the PCESE and all previous members plus HTD and Naou-Coili joined the newly formed Kidal Sea Cooperative Union (KSCU).

Political critiques within the republic at the time were initially confused as to the rationale behind such a policy reversal by the government, which had consistently voted against unification with HTD. It is speculated that the government saw this as an opportunity to influence Dinuuen policies to better fit their agendas. This is often the case as RCE ambassadors to the KSCU typically stand in opposition to motions proposed by HTD, with the RCE taking a strong stance against the forfeit of sovereignty. Within the union, there are clear factions, largely split by whether there is more support for Dinuuen or Énqusqan interests.

Taking on the mantle of its constituents, the RCE has also long stood as an advocate for the cessation of colonialist and imperialist practices on the global stage. It is frequently involved in supporting newly independent states and recognises several nations that remain unrecognised globally, such as Lower Tar-dinuu. Énqusqan diplomats are habitually engaged in attempts to promote stability in the region, which is a point of contention between the RCE and HTD. Lallín Woóra Múza, the former Grand Senator of the RCE, spoke often about the need for aid in the country when she worked as the Énqusqan World Forum ambassador between 2005 and 2008. The nation has a historical record of aiding in the establishment of new government regimes and was integral to the drafting of the constitution of Naou Coili, which maintains a close friendship with the republic

The Republic also enjoys good relations with several nations beyond the Kidal Sea. It has strong ties to Riyata who helped many of the city-states gain their independence in World War Three. Énqusqó has also maintained its friendly relationship with Gladomyr and its former colonies, providing those countries with special privileges to its markets and use of the Vinca canal. The canal is an important aspect of the economy of Vinqu, the wider Republic and the global economy. Many nations subsequently aim to have positive relations with the RCE in order to be granted access and avoid Dinuuen tariffs on the Kidal Sea.

WF representation
After the adoption of the diplomacy act in 1975, the RCE's power in the World Forum had to be redistributed and a committee was created to resolve the potential international political crisis. The resultant resolution saw the RCE's observer seat being ratified as a sitting member, providing it with a vote. The members of the republic were allowed to retain their seats as observers to the WF. Polities that joined the RCE after this resolution passed also followed this transfer of power within the WF.

Economy
The Énqusqan economy is the only example of a fiscal, customs and monetary union between independent nations. The republic existed under a customs and monetary union from 1970 until 1989 when the [AMENDMENT] was signed as part of the 30-year plan to federalise the republic. These amendments saw the expansion of the economic union to include a fiscal union. It was created to help promote the republic's economic goals across the peninsula and provide stability to the Énqusqan qesu. [MONETARY CRISIS?]. The republic has a relatively open state-oriented market economy that has been rapidly industrialised. The nation is considered to be on the cusp of ‘developed’ by global economists. After the UC's founding in 1952, the traditional agriculture and mining economies began to transition towards a multi-sectorial economy. This transition strengthened after the 1967 Amendments, which saw the creation of the republic which held much more devolved power over economic policy. Some scholars attribute these amendments as the true founding of the republic, despite the fact that the treaty they amended was first signed in 1952. These new economic policies saw the creation of a shared currency, the qesu, and the encouragement of city-states to push for the adoption of the Grana Development Model which had been created and popularised by Riyata, a close trade partner of the republic to this day. Many of these changes were spearheaded by the new Mercantile Party (Énqutsa: Nyéron Qázalca) which had received a large proportion of the Public Senate vote in the July 1969 election. The adoption of these economic policies saw heavy investment in key industries such as the vanilla industry, electronics, construction, shipbuilding and pharmaceuticals. After the creation of the fiscal union in 1989, this economic policy was enshrined in the law of the republic and investment in key industries became a matter of the republic, not individual member city-states.

International trade and manufacturing form key sectors in the Énqusqan economy, aided by the republic’s strategic position on the straights of Kidal to its southwest and the Vinca canal in the north. Access to the many rare chemical compounds found in the endemic flora and fauna of the region has promoted the development of the pharmaceutical industry. Heavy investment from the government has provided the nascent pharmaceutical industry with immense support in return for helping to provide for the national health service of the republic. Énqusqó exports natural, agricultural and aquacultural resources with vanilla and vanilla products being major exports. The republic holds a controlling interest over the production of the spice, producing approximately 63.2% of the global supply. The largest portion of the economy is within the service sector which accounts for around 57.6% of the republic’s GDP. A major contributor to this sector is tourism which has been steadily on the rise in the country since the 1990s. In 2016 there was an initiative to boost foreign interest in travel to Énqusqó through the creation of the Home Away from Home programme which saw the implementation of new visas permitting an extended stay of up to 10 years for those who interested in buying property in the republic.

Due to the long history of commerce in the region, the banking and insurance industries have become substantial in Énqutsa. There has also been an expansion in knowledge-based services such as design and marketing. Due to the success of its economic policies, Énqusqó was able to begin its own space program with assistance from Riyata and Gladomyr who share close economic ties with the republic. This saw the creation of a spaceport in 2008 along the western coast of Vinqu, near the Vinca canal. It has been used as a launching site for several satellites that are operated by foreign space agencies due to its equatorial latitude. Although the government cannot fund many space endeavours independently, the construction of the spaceport as part of the Vinca canal system has garnered the republic much more influence on the world stage.

Finance
[INCOMPLETE]

Language
The Republic of Énqusqó is a multilingual state. Whilst no language was originally enshrined as an official language of the state, the prominence of the Énqutsa language, especially in the predecessors of the RCE, has led to its usage as the common language of governance across the peninsula. In 2017, the republic ruled that it would accept the 6 languages declared as official by the city-states as official languages of the republic. There are populations of speakers of non-Énqutsa languages within the republic. These are mostly speakers of Kidal and Dinuuen, although there are some people who are descended from colonists who still natively speak the languages of their ancestors, particularly Riyatic speakers. The republic does not afford for these populations directly, instead, individual city-states provide translations and support for their respective populations.

Religion
Whilst the republic has no official state religion, many in the republic do practice a religion. The most commonly practised of these religions is the Énqutsa pantheon, called Quramín (literally: City-Gods). In the 2021 census, 56.32% of the population declared to observe the practices of the religion. Ayekism has a large presence on the peninsula and is most prominent in the economic centres of areas that were subject to Salian colonial rule. The pantheon of the Énqutsa was unified into a centralised religion in 1262 through a series of reforms by [RELIGIOUS EMPEROR]. This saw the collation of approximately 500 individual deities into 18. This was facilitated by the significant overlap between the domains of these older deities and this helped widespread adoption of the new religion. Some of the folk stories told by the Énqutsa were compiled into a canonised text that was known as the Nineteen and One Tales.

Each of the 18 deities has a distinct cult of followers who oversee the observation of worship towards their respective deities. Each cult is headed by an oracle who is responsible for the interpretation of the faith and the oversight of the cult’s clergy. In the past, individual cities adopted one of the 18 as a patron to replace their old patron gods. At this time religion was quite focalised in the temples of a city. In the modern-day, the majority of worshippers do not frequent services at temples apart from during important festivals. Most religious observance has transferred to being on a clan or familial level, with individual clans or families having patron deities which have shrines in the home. Often these shrines are decorated with photos of the deceased as a form of ancestor worship.

Education
Notes:


 * Long tradition of providing free primary education - clans would run primary schools that would be subsidised by the state to take in children to teach basic arithmetic and literacy,
 * the First university was founded under Póo Mín Nyáru in Tsétlaxó in 1036 CE - still open although saw a period of disuse for some 500 years.
 * secondary education made free in the 1950s
 * Tertiary education made free to all citizens in 1990

Healthcare

 * Healthcare has been provided through a unified national service since the founding of the republic in 1967
 * City-states that had signed the treaty of Póo Mín Tsetli had also provided free healthcare since 1952

Domestic architecture

 * historical architecture of the clan unit - how that has changed into the modern-day? apartments?

Ízluvancémúlon
Ízluvancémúlón, often shortened to ízlulon, is an artistic movement that became popular across the Ordrish-controlled regions of the peninsula in the early 20th century. The key trait of the artistic style is that of subjectivity and the presentation of reality as it is distorted by the internal experience. The movement began in painting but was very quickly adopted by poets such as [POET 1] and [POET 2]. The rise of the modern cinema industry across the republic has seen a revitalisation of the movement by prominent Énqusqan directors. The name of the movement comes from an Énqutsa word which means to evert, from this the scholarly term evertism was coined.

The movement has had strong ties to independence movements amongst native peoples during colonial rule, with some evertist painters claiming the style was born from a rejection of Alutran conventions such as [IMPRESSIONISM].

Cinema

 * Modern rise of Énqutsa cinema globally - similar to the rise of Korean cinema in the real world. Re-emergence of Énqutsa culture as a globally influential force

Calendar
The Énqutsa are native to the equatorial regions of Vanatas and due to their climate, they experience very little seasonal variation. This has led to a historical preference for lunar calendars as tracking ‘seasons’ is quite redundant for the region. Both Luna and Jove (known as Qara and Qaya in standard Énqutsa) have been used to create various calendar systems, although Qaral calendars were massively more common. After the religious reforms of the 13th century, there was a push for a unified calendar system for the empire, which had until that point been using multiple calendars across its polities. This new calendar set out to incorporate both Qaral and Qayal calendars into one bilunar or Luna-jovial calendar called the Qaraqayal. The calendar is still in use as the official calendar of Énqusqó despite the additional adoption of the [GLOBAL CALENDAR] calendar to aid in international affairs.

The Qaraqayal is based on two main cycles that track the two moons. The Énqaral is considered the inner cycle and lasts for 12 months and alternates between 30 and 29 days. These months follow the phases of Luna and are split into 5 weeks of 6 days, roughly corresponding to new, waxing crescent, waxing gibbous, waning gibbous and waning crescent. The count of the weekdays is interrupted by the start of each month and so while all months begin on Píca, some end on Punóca and others end on Yáluca. The calendar is synced with Luna such that the new moon marks the beginning of the next month. Each of the 12 months is named for a deity in the Quramín pantheon. It is from the Énqaral that a count of years is derived. The Énqayal is a cycle of 5 months that lasts for 65 days and an additional ‘hollow’ month of 64 days. Each month is named after one of the remaining 6 deities of the Quramín pantheon. These deities have come to be grouped together as the Qayamín although the religion does not recognise such a grouping as meaningful or canonical. The Énqayal is not numbered, but the months are still tracked for important religious observances. The two cycles are not synced with each other which creates this shift of the Énqayal through the Énqaral. It takes approximately 13 cycles of the Énqaral for the Énqayal to fully cycle back to the beginning.

Upon creation of the calendar, it was said to have used the founding of the empire as a start date. Modern scholars disagree with this and point to the calendar starting on an instance of both Luna and Jove being new in phase. It is highly unlikely that the Empire of Énqusqó was founded under this astrological event. Using the Qaraqayal and contemporary accounts, it seems that the empire was founded around two Énqaral cycles later than the calendar claims.

The qaraqayal date is written as a series of four numbers (in base-10) separated by slashes when using [ARABIC NUMERALS]. For example, the date on the [GREGORIAN CALENDAR] 24/05/2022 would be rendered as 13/04/1098/6.

Cuisine
The cuisine of the Énqutsa people is quite varied across the peninsula, however, despite regional difference, there are key elements that underpin the staple dishes of the cultural group. Primarily, Énqutsa cuisine is world-renowned for its interplay between aquacultural produce and various plants that are grown terrestrially. The Énqutsa are considered to be mostly pescatarian and there is little evidence to suggest that they consumed the meat of solely-terrestrial fauna before the introduction of Alutran livestock during the colonial rule of the Énqusqan peninsula.

Maize, legumes and squashes
Maize is most notable today as the staple crop of Vidina, and since the plant's early introduction to the lowlands of Énqusqó, the grain has become central to Énqutsa cuisine. Many cultivars of the maize crop have been grown throughout the peninsula but the most common by far is the traditional 'golden' cultivar known as [MAIZE]. The ears of the plant are harvested and dried for four to five days before being ground into flour. The drying process is often made difficult by the humid climate of the region and so special clay kilns called [MAIZE KILN] are created to help drive the moisture from the grain. The temperature of these kilns has to be closely monitored or the grain could cook and burst. Thus rendering it unsuitable for flour production. This accidental product is a well-known snack amongst the Énqutsa people called [MAIZE CLOUDS] and they are often served tossed in salt, powdered chilli and dried seaweed. The dish is sometimes served as an accompaniment to a meal. Once the ears of maize have dried they are milled into a fine flour that is used to make a series of flatbreads of differing shapes and sizes. The most commonly prepared flatbread is the [FLATBREAD] which is often served alongside stews or covered in a sauce with fried seafood and vegetables.

[BEANS] beans are another historical crop grown by many people across the Kidal and Vidina. The beans are grown as a rotation crop between harvests of other crops. In some fields, the beans are planted alongside the intended crop such as [TOMATO] and [CHILLI] fields. These beans have been integral to the agricultural success of the Énqutsa peoples and have provided the soil, which experiences heavy runoff due to high precipitation levels, with ample opportunity to be replenished with nutrients. The beans of the plant have also become an important element of the cuisine of the regions in which they are grown. They are prepared in a variety of ways. the first method of preparation leaves the beans within their pod which are subsequently steamed, boiled or fried to be served alongside other dishes. More commonly, the beans are removed from their pods where they are either dried for later use or prepared immediately by boiling or frying. Most stew dishes contain fresh beans that are either added directly to the stew pot or are first fried before being added although sometimes boiled and fried beans are used solely as a side dish. These bean stews (Standard Énqutsa: [BEAN STEW]) are common in the east of the peninsula. Finally, the dried beans are always boiled into stews containing seaweed or [TOMATO] to create rich and flavoursome dishes. As this dish takes a long time to cook it is traditionally prepared in a very communal area so that all members of a clan or family can aid in its preparation.

Squashes of varying size and shape are also cultivated by the Énqutsa for culinary use, although historically their use has extended beyond the kitchen. These fleshy plants are often incorporated into stews and are very commonly paired with seafood. The squash also forms the basis of many soups, typically these soups are blended and the squash is used in bulk to provide a creamy texture and flavour.

Seafood
Seafood forms a large part of the Énqutsa diet with many different aquatic animals and plants featuring in lots of dishes across the Énqusqan peninsula. The maáy, a domesticated species of parrotfish, is perhaps the most emblematic feature of Énqutsa cuisine. The fish have been cultivated by the Énqutsa since their first coastal settlements appeared across the Énqusqan peninsula. Prized for their bright blue and orange skins, they are prepared in a myriad of ways from roasting to steaming. Most commonly, they are grilled whole and seasoned with salt and spiced rubs which are then often served with a bean stew and [FLATBREAD]. There are also several cultivars of seaweed that are grown and eaten by the Énqutsa. The seaweeds are sometimes dried and flaked to be used as a flavouring additive to sauces. They are also sometimes used to warp maáy fillets before baking or steaming and these parcels are often stuffed with other seafood, vegetables and beans creating pseudo-dumplings called [DUMPLINGS]. Marine algae are also commonly used as the main ingredient in salads and are prized for adding a salty flavour to such dishes.

Another classic seafood dish prepared in many coastal communities is sea turtle soup (Standard Énqutsa: [SEA TURTLE SOUP]). This dish is a thin and water broth made from a reduction of the turtle meat, vegetables, mushrooms and chillies and was traditionally served within the shell of the turtle whose meat was used for the soup. As the practice usually involved the hunting and killing of juvenile sea turtles, conservation efforts have been seen to reduce the practice and it is now illegal for juvenile sea turtles to be hunted for their shells or meat. The government of the Republic has also instituted large regions of beach and marine territory that are off-limits to poaching. There are also many government-funded programs that help protect sea turtle eggs, all of which are protected under law and cannot be moved or handled without proper licensing. The same is now true for the sale of all turtle meat across the republic and the dish has slowly diminished in popularity since the 1970s. Shellfish also form an important part of the diet of many Énqutsa people and are often a much cheaper alternative to more expensive fish. Crustaceans are often cultivated in large off-shore vertical farms that provide large volumes of products for both the local and global markets. Bivalves such as clams are also farmed in this manner across the Kidal Sea. The most common method of preparing shellfish is through steaming which helps to loosen the shells and also brings out bright colouration which can make dishes seem more appealing. It is also rather common for the meat of these animals to be included in stews, with prawns being the most commonly added meat in bean-based stews.

!Chilli peppers
The chilli has become a common seasoning in many cuisines worldwide but the plant that has become the many varieties of pepper was first domesticated around the Kidal some 3,000 years ago. In modern Énqutsa cuisine, many varieties of pepper are utilised, each with varying degrees of spice. One variety, known as the sweet pepper or the cold pepper (Standard Énqutsa: [PEPPER]), has been bred to contain no !capsaicin and as a result, has a very sweet flavour. These peppers are often used for their bright red, green and yellow colourations and to help add bulk to dishes. The spicy varieties of pepper (Standard Énqutsa: [SPICY PEPPER]) are much loved by the Énqutsa and are often added to sauces fresh or dried and crushed to a powder that can later be added to stews or rubbed into meats.

The spicier peppers are also very commonly finely chopped and added to palm vinegar to produce a condiment called [CONDIMENT]. This spicy vinaigrette is loved worldwide.

Fruits and vegetables
A wide variety of fruits and vegetables are incorporated into the cuisine of the Énqutsa. The most commonly used are the red and green varieties of [TOMATO] called [RED TOMATO] and [GREEN TOMATO] respectively. These fruits are grown across the peninsula and have become a staple ingredient in sauces globally. Within Énqutsa cuisine they often form the base of sauces and stews. The [PINEAPPLE] is a fruit eaten in many ways by the Énqutsa. It is traditionally roasted and covered in [CONDIMENT] which creates a spicy and sour dish that is often eaten between courses at feasts. It is commonly believed that the pineapple helps to digest food and so aids in eating larger quantities of food at these feasts. The fruit is also juiced. this juice is used as a stock for sauces, fermented into a kind of alcoholic drink or sometimes just drank fresh. Chunks of the fruit are also sometimes added to stews to increase the variety of flavour and texture.

Mushrooms are also heavily incorporated into the foods eaten by the Énqutsa. Larger mushrooms like the [LARGE MUSHROOM] are often stuffed with beans and seafood before being roasted. Smaller varieties of mushrooms are also included in stews, soups and stuffed seaweed parcels. Famously, the Énqutsa create a tea from a dried mushroom called the [PSYCODELIC MUSHROOM] which is often drunk at gatherings and parties, although this tea was traditionally only drunk during religious ceremonies. Many tourists come to Énqusqó to try this tea, as the tea induces hallucinations that are often sought by thrill-seekers. Unfortunately, many of these tourists drink the tea in inordinate volumes or at unsafe concentrations and many of them are admitted to hospitals for immediate treatment and many of them, unfortunately, do not survive. To counter these unfortunate incidents, the Republic takes a positive stance towards most drugs and so the sale of both the mushrooms and the tea itself is highly regulated by government agencies to ensure that consumption is as safe as possible.

!Chocolate
!Chocolate has been a staple of the Énqutsa aristocracy since the interregnum. It is traditionally prepared as a warm, thick, frothy beverage usually flavoured with spicy chillies and salt called [HOT CHOCOLATE]. This is much unlike the bean's preparation in many parts of the world today. The Énqutsa maintain this tradition of preparing the beans as a savoury drink, although much of the tradition and class divide around its consumption has shifted. The drink is often prepared at festivals or by families on days of religious importance. The drink has become a symbol of national pride for the Republic and has also seen usage by conservationist groups, often being referred to as the 'true black gold' of Énqusqó in opposition to oil drilling operations. These environmentalist campaigns during the 1990s were widely successful at dissuading the government from pursuing the extraction of fossil fuels in the Kidal and the cocoa pod has been adopted as a symbol for environmentally friendly initiatives across the peninsula. There are those, however, who critique the use of the cocoa pod as a symbol of environmentalism. The cultivation of cocoa often requires wide areas of land to be deforested which can be devastating for local wildlife. In recent years, many efforts have been made to reduce the impact of monoculture across the peninsula, not just from cocoa plantations but also from other agricultural activities. This has often involved the incorporation of other species into farmed spaces to facilitate connections between regions of the jungle.

Equality law

 * Strong legal tradition of enshrining citizens with equitable rights

Literature
The literary history of Énqusqó is largely in the poetic domain. prose writing was uncommon in Énqutsa society. The Énqutsa poetic tradition originated in the form of folk poetry and proverbs, which comprise the earliest textual archaeological evidence on the peninsula. Énqutsa poetic structures include tsítsa, mumón and various other styles shared with closely associated cultures around the Kidal Sea. More recently and particularly during the evertist movement of the 20th century, tight poetic structural traditions have been broken in favour of new free-verse styles.

With the exception of these free-verse poems, the other forms have a certain structure. The tightest and oldest of these forms is the éntsítsa, in which structures of content, number of syllables per line, lines per poem and rhythm are all defined by the form of the poem. This tightly constrained structure restricted the use of the poetry to the upper classes and academics of classical Énqutsa society.

According to Quramín mythology, poetry has it's origins in the goddess Lexín, who is said to have taught people to speak by singing poetry to them. As Lexín moved across the world she would grow bored of her old poem and so would change the words as she went, teaching these new and different words to the new and different people she encountered. According to this myth, this is why there are poems, music and languages in the world.

The Énqutsa seemingly had a long oral tradition dating back to the earliest settlements attributed to their culture on the Énqusqan peninsula. With the adoption of writing from the Dinuuens it appears these oral traditions quickly began to be transcribed into tables and megaliths at numerous classical period sites. These stones used a primitive form of poetry that while less common is still used by poets in the modern day, éntsítsa. At archeological digs throughout the 19th century most of these tablets were damaged to the point of being unrecognisable as éntsítsa poetry, instead being classified as the much shorter tsítsa poem, from where they took their name, tsítsa stones. This changed upon the discovery of the oldest set of tsítsa stones in Sínyólon. Across these 23 tablets was a grand éntsítsa poem telling the tale of the mythic First Kingdom of Énqusqó.

The founder of the Póo Mín dynasty, Póo Mín Tsetli, was a prolific poet in her youth and was often chastised by her tutors for her sloppy grasp of proper poetic form. Her love of poetry didn't cease after her ascension to the throne of the Second Kingdom of Énqusqó and the royal court was reportedly filled with as many poets as admirals.

Along with her reforms to the military, navy and society of the peninsula under her rule, she fostered a more tolerant approach to poetry, often favouring and sponsoring poets who didn't conform to the traditions of the previous century. Two new poetic forms arose from her patronage of poets at court. The first is said to have come from a game she would enjoy playing with courtiers wherein one person would propose a line of poetry consisting of a short number of syllables, and another would respond to this call with their own line, following the rhyme and syllable scheme of the call. These short poems, now known as vane, slowly become more formalised and began to be written down collaboratively by several poets.

The second poetic form came from an adaptation of the final stanza of an éntsítsa poem, called the cliff (Énqutsa: mupó), which is structurally different from the tsítsa that form the bulk of the poem. Poets began to forego the bulk of the éntsítsa and instead focus on the mupó. The resulting poetic form became as complex as the éntsítsa, acting as a condensed form of the themes that were often spread across multiple stanzas. The poems had to conform to a strict 4-6-4 structure, with the inclusion of a topic word, theme word, setting word and turning word which were selected from an increasingly prescriptive list of words. Whilst Póo Mín Tsetli was alive, these restraints seemed more like guides than rules, however, under the other members of her dynasty, the poems became strictly regimented. Numerous poets were subjected to public ridicule when their poems failed to meet the standard of the day.

Overtime, these éntsítsa poems were becoming shorter, containing fewer verses until they stopped at their modern constraint of no more than 11 verses and no fewer than 9.

As in most metrical systems, Énqutsa metre is structured both by the count and the character of syllables. Whereas in Alutran poetic tradition syllables are categorised by relative stress or length, in Énqutsa verse syllables are categorised by tone. For the purposes of metre, the four tones of Énqutsa are either considered to be 'dull' or 'sharp'. Thus a line of metrical verse consists of a specific number of syllables, some of which must be dull, some of which must be sharp, and some of which can be either dull or sharp.

Like in other traditional forms of poetry, Énqutsa verse is traditionally rhymed. The combination of metre and rhyme scheme helps define the various forms in which the poem is written.

The use of rhyme in Énqutsa poetry is largely analogous to its usage in poetry in other languages. The major differences lie in the inclusion of tone into the quality of a rhyme and the prolific use of back rhyme, where a syllable at the end of one line rhymes with a syllable in the middle of the next line. Rhyme acts to join the lines of a poem together, almost always appearing on the end of a line, although it also frequently appears in syllables contained within a line.

An Énqutsa syllable can have both an optional onset and coda consonant, giving quite a wide array of possible rhyming couplets. The combination of the nucleus and the coda is what forms the rhyme of the syllable. A true rhyme occurs between syllables with varied onsets but identical rhymes. However, the quality of this rhyme can be further discussed due to other salient features of the syllable in Énqutsa.

Rhyming syllables do not require that their tones be identical, instead that they fall within the same class: all dull or all sharp. Dull rhymes are said to create a soothing nature within the poem, whereas sharp rhymes are more energetic. When the tones are identical across the rhyme, this is called a rich rhyme, when they differ the rhyme is considered to be poor.

Due to the syllable structure of Énqutsa, there is also a tolerance for slant or half rhymes, where the nucleus of the syllable remains the same and the coda is similar in sound. Another type of slant rhyme can occur between similar sounding vowels, which is exclusively tolerated between pairs of nasal vowels and their non-nasal counterparts. The most unpleasant sounding rhyme is a poor, slant rhyme, which is sometime used to elicit feelings of unease in the poem.

Performing arts

 * OPERA - more like east Asian than European
 * Local dance traditions and festivals?



Philosophy
The Énqutsa, particularly those who live in the southwest of the Énqusqan peninsula, have a long philosophical tradition that dates back as far as the interregnal period. Much of Énqutsa philosophy is tied closely to their theological beliefs such as futility.

Énqutsa philosophy is written in a style called Mayzalputli Ozal, which translates to ‘conversation of a hermit’. This style is presented as a dialogue between two characters, one, the hermit, is presented as having no knowledge and the second is often shown to be arrogant to the reader. The hermit then proceeds to point out the flaws in the second character's reasoning and demonstrate their arrogance through the use of simple questions.

Similar styles of philosophical inquiry have appeared across the globe leading to many cultural enlightenments, however, after its discovery by Alutran merchants, mayzalputli ozal quickly replaced other schools of thought to become the backbone of the emerging scientific process in Alutra.

Sport
The Énqutsa have a long tradition of competitive water sports and Tsemu (Énqutsa: wall), a ball game. Tsemu has been played in various forms around South Vidina and North Tiridinia since antiquity, with the oldest surviving courts being located within the Énqusqan peninsula. The peninsula is also home to the now world-wide sport Áaromú (Énqutsa: dolphin), a form of underwater ball sport.

Tsemu
Tsemu is a ball game played in a typically Ɪ-shaped court with two balls tied together by an elastic rope. The centre of the court is bordered by two walls, which are typically sloped at the base, these are used to bounce the balls while in play. Two opposing teams compete to bounce the balls to the other end of the court using only each other or the walls of the court. Once at the opposing end, a player throws the balls with the aim of tying them around a goal post.

Áaromú
Áaromú, also known as aromu and dolphin, is a ball game played in the water. The aim of the game is to pass a buoyant ball through an underwater goal hoop on the opposing end of the court to score points. The sport was very popular during the Second Kingdom, where competitors wore brightly coloured ankle and wrist bracelets called purípurí to identify players as they moved underwater. The modern sport uses an inflated rubber ball as supposed to the traditional cocount, which is still commonly used for friendly games amongst friends.

Other water sports
Competitive sailing and rowing are also popular sports in the RCE, which holds a national water sports league annually.