Gekezikism

Gekezikism is a series of deep blue sociopolitical, economic and philosophical ideologies that are initially based on and expanded from the works of Kimaka and Zebe Gekezik, arguably the earliest modern writers to create and define deep blue political theorum. Gekezikism strives for the creation of the "new society", a total national deconstruction and redevelopment enshrining an and  society propagated through the communal ownership of the  and the subsequent dissolution of. The reconstructed would be reformed into a  of like-minded republics working cooperatively with each other to further their own community, and the federation as a whole. While all Gekezikist ideologues agree on the goal of the formation of the new society, few agree on the process to and the structure of the state of the new society. This division of approach has led to a multitude of interpretations on the rate of societal transformation, the level of absoluteness of the "cultural redefinement", the degree of centralization within national bureaucratic institutions and the level of participation of the average citizen in the decision making of these structures, and the participatory ability of the average citizen in the decision making of their own workplace.

The most attributed and defined interpretations of Gekezikism are Kimakan (or orthodox) theorum, Muzonianism, and Neo-Gekezikism, all of which share similarities and differences in the theoretical and practical approach to state craft of the new society. All branches of Gekezikism ascertain of a global exploitative system, originally taking the form of a hierarchical oppressor benefiting off of a state, before power transferring to a new financial elite independent of the state hierarchy bolstered by the exploitation of those in colonial territories and only further accelerated by the innovations of the industrial revolution, who formulate the structure of. The wealth of this small elite allowed them to obtain the means of production and, in effect, become the sole beneficiaries of an economic transaction initially comprised of the citizen and the state. This dichotomy of the oppressed Pedasemur, and the dual oppressors of those with a monopoly on politics and the economy. The collective Gekezikist theorum proclaims a revolution of the people, in some nature, will overthrow the capitalist order, distributing both the powers of governance and the economy to the will of the everyday citizen, dissolving any barrier of access to either.

Gekezikism stands as one of the most important sociopolitical, economic and philosophical developments of the 19th century onwards, coming from it the formation of deep blue states, most notably the Osamian Federation which led to a complete and radical political, economic, and social restructuring of the Osamian continent that saw the history, politics and culture of the region irreversibly changed. Both Gekezikism and the Osamian Federation would set the stage for the general shift of global politics that would lead to the expansion of deep blue political theory, and the number of states that declare themselves as deep-blue governments. Both Noyonism and Revivalism, while developing from their respective regional political environments and adaptations of foreign regional blue shade theories (such as the Énqusqan Urbocentrism which inspired Acoul Noyon), still borrowed and reinterpreted policy and theory originating from Gekezikism, providing a modern definition for deep blue policy and governance. While not as known widespread as the other major deep blue ideologies, Gekezikism remains a major ideology within the Osamian and neighbouring region.

Salian-occupied Gemurtrak
For almost two centuries, from the late 1600's to 1846, the former kingdom of Gemurtrak was placed under colonial rulership of Salia who took advantage of the important trade route of the Ornyekna strait as well as the natural resources abundant to the Osamian continent. Industries were developed around this exploitation and transport of goods towards Alutra. The complexity of these lines of production only grew with the increased demand for such resources. regions across the colony managed different goods based on their ease of accessibility and proximity to pathways for easier transport to ports, developing coastal regions extensively. This seperation of work effort into regions across the colony allowed for an improved capacity to manage changes that affected the product in question, allowing the sole region to change plans in order to maintain the necessary quotas. This initial theory of seperating resource harvesting and production into development regions would be picked up by scholars and economic analyists situated in the Gemurtrak colony, identifying the benefits and drawbacks of such a form of practice. By the 1800's, with the inclusion of philosophies around the liberty and self-determinism of state, the concept of generating smaller states within a federation that base their economy in a specific sector that then synthesises with neighbouring states began to arise. The most prominant of writers at this time relating to these theories was Zebe Gekezik, who wrote discussing this theory in a 1827 paper about it.

Post colonialism
With the liberation of the majority of Gemurtrak following the conclusion of the Fury war in 1846, discussions concerning the future direction of the nation were commonplace with questions surrounding the legitimacy of maintaining a monarchy as compared to a republic, or deeper societal questions such as what it meant to be Gemurtrakian or in a greater perspective, as an Osamian. Some saw the freedom of Gemurtrak as the beginning stages of a liberated Osamia, and Pan-Osamianism grew from the victory of the 1846 war. Zebe Gekezik, now married to one Kimaka Kezuga, worked in tandem with one another in a series of published books relating to issues that plagued Gemurtrak and the wider Osamian community. Although published under Zebe's name, it was later noted that Kimaka wrote many of the chapters in the series. The series presents the first definitive collection of philosophies and theories of Gekezikism, discussing matters such as the lack of necessity for the noble class and subsequently the monarchy itself, the demand for public determinism of state through universal sufferage, and the call for the collectivized ownership of the means of production.

The new society
Paramount to the theory of Gekezikism is the achievement of the goal of the new society, a collective term for the changes required within contemporary social, economic, and political norms and standards, to ensure a permenant, perfect, and equal post-revolution society. Gekezikism posits that the daily actions and activities we perform in life generates the framework capitalism exists and thrives in, only through the total eradication of norms and preconceptions developed in the old society will a true Gekezikist state exist. Practices such as the divide of work based on gender, perceptions of material goods and their innate value, the nature of the employer/employee relationship, and the rural/urban industrial divide, were seen as inherently systems created to separate, disorganize, and villainize portions of the social economic whole to induce a permanent class civil war within the for the  to profit off of and secure their position in the hierarchy. Should these practices remain, even if a revolution removes the Yosmur from power, conflict within the now ruling Mramur would still occur and ignite into a national civil war over the preconceptions of the old society due to unrealised and unresolved points of societal friction.

Economic and material state
According to Gekezikism, the standard function of society has existed in two separate formats or states since the inception of concepts like trade and bartering. These formats are the Material and Economic state. These states formed upon the creation of the barter economy, the implanting of value to an object or concept (such as that of manpower and time) that which has no static representation or reason of value beyond self created value. The material state are these definite objects or concepts that can be perceived and recognizned for a value, whereas the economic state is the vague non-static value placed onto the material state. An hour and a bowl of food is defined and are thus material. If a person was to exchange an hour of their time for a bowl of food, the exchange of these two material concepts has defined a value between them. That which is imperceivable and undefinable but which still exists because of its occurrence. Value is not perceivable but is only implied. With the further development of society and the transition from a barter economy to fiat money, the perception of the economic state became more defined but which remained independent from the material world due to self imposed value placed onto items that pegged the value of money (such as gold and silver). Alongside this evolution of the economic state, the control of the state of the economy began to depart from the hands of the citizenry and into the control of people in positions of power, who were able to determine the value of something themselves as compared to value being defined by each individual differently based on the exchange that had occurred.

While this standardization is regarded as a natural progression of finance within larger societal structures, Zebe Gekezik argued that the decentralization of a central currency would reduce exploitation of finance towards necessary goods and services. The approach proposed was the introduction of a variety of 'product based currencies' that would be only usable for the specific product it was assigned towards, reducing the potential for the mass accumulation of a single financial wealth disproportionately under or overvaluing specific goods. Products would be defined as necessities and luxuries which would change the process of obtaining the currency in question. Necessities would have its currency equally distributed to all people with limited ways of earning more outside of the regular distribution. Luxuries would be obtained similar in nature to the central currency as pay for labor and would be more readily available to obtain.

Centralized decentralization
Because of the inherent centralism of a unitary nation, concerns and matters that may affect specific regions may be ignored by a larger government if it does not affect the wider whole or if those impacted are minimal compared to the larger national population. This neglect and lack of representation of specific regions was regarded as a form of misguided and misinformed rationalism that failed to recognized a nation as a collection of peoples into a singular whole. This situation would only be further exacerbated when regards of regional wealth and ethnic makeup are brought into account creating environments primed for exploitation that would be overlooked by a central government because of their inherent apathy towards a region or ethnic demographic in what Kimaka Gekezik would call subnational colonialism.

Macro and micro-nationalism
The Gekezikist model of the structure of the state called for the division between the national economic bloc and the subnational division of power into republics. Traditional Gekezikism defined the distinction of a republic to come from ethnic identification first, and economic or power division second, seeing the division of the state on ethnic lines as one of the most important parts of the federal model. A republic comprised by extreme majority (~90+%) of a single ethnic group was regarded, in theory, as being able to produce an administive system that best suited the people in the region both culturally and functionally. This format of the two states, one purely economic and the second of ethnic origin, supported the creation of a dual nationalistic identity, one where people would support both the republic they ethnically identify with, and the larger republic in which supports both their wellbeing as well as neighbouring republics' wellbeing. This distinctive system was designed, as later writers would note, for the pure basis of use within the Osamian continent, noting that Gekezikism was "as much a theory of the new economic state, as it was one of continental unification", [Writer] would state. Division between ethnic groups was only a popular theory within Osamian circles, as the goal of continental unification grew more in popularity across the 19th and 20th century. Gekezikist circles outside of Osamia typically ommitted the focus of a federal model favoring ethnic division, especially by those in countries with a singular dominant ethnic group, instead to favor the division by the matter of equalizing socioeconomic differences to ensure all republics possess the same resources and opportunities to develop their individual republics within the framework of the greater economic state.

As the results of the Osamian Federation revealed, the traditional model presented multiple negative effects compared to it's foreign alternative. Many republics within the federation held loyalty exclusively towards their own republic and generally failed to recognize the federation as a force of liberation and unity between the republics in the unification of the Osamian continent. Alongside this was the failure of appropriate division of resources and a heightening of between republics due to some republics being placed into a disadvantageous position due to an ethnic group of a separate republic occupying a region of economic importance of the formerly independent nation. The division of ethnicity over economic opportunities also caused some republics to be grossly underfinanced and lacking economic power when compared to other members of the federation. This allowed some republics to bully these smaller and economically weaker republics into supporting their policies, even if such policies place the weaker nation at a disadvantage. This would also cause members of economically weaker republics to move to wealthier republics, This caused the weaker republics to weaken further and generate dead republics. This model was quickly abandoned by the Osamian Federation in 1918 to favor the foreign model which the federation followed until it's dissolution.