Republic of Enqusqo

Énqusqó, officially styled as The Grand and Illustrious Republic of the Cities of Énqusqó, is a confederation of city states located in the south of Vidina on the Kidal Sea. Its shares a land border to the north with [NORTHERN NEIGHBOUR] and sea borders with Higher Tar-dinuu to the west and Naou Coili to the east. The republic consists of 33 member city-states who have granted the confederal government powers to devise common legislature for the economy and peaceful foreign policy of the region. The confederal government consists of three senates: the Public Senate, the Regal Senate and the Judicial Senate.

The capital, Tsétlaxó, is one of the oldest continuously inhabited cities in Vidina, having stood for over 2000 years. The city serves as both the capital for the republic, but also as the governing city of surrounding regions as a sovereign city-state.

Etymology
The etymology of Énqusqó can be traced back to three Proto-Kidal-Énqutsa roots: xén* (meaning large), qoos* (meaning village) and qól (a resting place). Quite literally the name translates to "the land of cities". It is believed that this is a reflection of the early Énqutsan outlook on surrounding regions and seems to support the theory that the peninsula has long been home to expansive urban centres, at least in comparison to contemporary settlements across the Kidal.

Prehistory
The earliest evidence of human activity in the Énqusqó Peninsula appears around 18,000 years ago, with the onset of migrations into Vidina from Tiridinia across the Kidal Sea. These early communities left behind jewellery and fishhooks carved from the bones of monk seals along with early styles of seafaring canoe. This period is identified by the prevalence of "boat burials", where a corpse was found in the charred hull of a canoe, often surrounded by fishing spear tips and fishing hooks. Whilst it is commonly believed that this was a funerary cremation practice, the presence of leather bindings found around the ankles and wrists at some sites have lead some scholars to suggest that there was a sacrificial element. All examples of this burial have been found on land, however, it is believed the practice was possibly more common upon the sea, and these burials simply have not been preserved.

There is evidence that these early hunter-gatherers began to settle into sedentary agricultural societies in around 3000 BCE. Archaeological sites of these early coastal settlements show that the transition to agricultural was slow for the inhabitants of the peninsula, who seemingly still relied heavily on fishing for much of their diet. It was during this period that several staple crops around Vidina began to be cultivated in the region, some of them originating from the Énqusqan peninsula. The most important of these early crops is maize (Standard Énqutsa: [X]), the early cultivation of which is evidenced in artwork from the period and the presence of [GRINDSTONE]s, a kind of stone for grinding maize flour, in settlements. The cultivation of maize in low-land regions of the peninsula was likely quickly followed by the cultivation of the [BEAN] bean, a rotation crop that would aid in restoring nitrogen to fields between maize harvests, an agricultural practice that is considered an ancient tradition by many cultural groups across the Kidal and Vidina.

The spread of metallurgy technologies from the Dinuuen peoples in what is now Higher Tar-dinuu to the peninsula allowed for the advancement of agriculture to communities further inland with the adoption of terraced farming techniques on the slopes of [MOUNTAINS] as early as 2,500 BCE. The Proto-Kidal-Énqutsa began to appear as a distinct culture around 2000 BCE, radiating outward from the straight of [STRAIGHT]. The culture is identified by paleoanthropologists through their use of more advanced and robust canoes. This saw an explosion in migrations outwards from the earliest known sites and the opening up of trade to further along the coasts of Vidina and Tiridinia. Agricultural products from the region began to spread alongside the expanding trade networks and it was likely that during this period that many Vidinan staple crops were spread from the peninsula to the continent at large. Along with these agricultural products, other crafted items in Proto-Kidal-Énqutsa style (such as jade, amber and bone figurines) also appear to radiate outwards from the Kidal during this time period.

Antiquity
Early antiquity saw a divergence in the Proto-Kidal-Énqutsa around 1000 BCE and by 500 BCE, with the integration of the Kidal archipelago into the Empire of Tar-Dinuu, an east/west cultural split was cemented. Alongside this, the perceived separation of a group of similar peoples is theorised to have precipitated tensions between the settlements on the Énqusqó Peninsula and the Dinuuen people.

The earliest written records of the ancient Énqutsa settlements come from Dinuuen and Kidal historians and traders who looked upon the cities with distain. It was a commonly held belief, according to written records, that the peninsula wasn't valuable enough to expend resources to take. The archaeological evidence, however, depicts a growing economy and an explosion of artistic expression in pottery, sculpture, and architecture. The Dinuuen historians neglected to write much about the internal politics of the peninsula, often referring to the many settlements as if under a single ruling entity, as such little is known about the individual governance of these cities and whether or not their grandeur predated the rise of the Empire of Tar-dinuu.

First kingdom of Énqusqó
The first kingdom of Énqusqó was largely believed by historians to have been fictional. The story of the kingdom's founding is a well known folktale amongst Énqutsa people, often being told to children at home or in early education settings, similar to Alutran fairy tales. The earliest version of this story to be recorded comes from a series of clay tablets discovered in [CITY-STATE] called the [CLAY TABLETS]. The tale follows the journey of Sémúúdal (he who slithers) in a quest across Énqusqó. The tale begins in the home of Sémúúdal which is described as a great palace that stretched from the sea to the height of a mountain. In the tablets, Sémúúdal is described as a great winged serpent with scales of engraved jade. The description is consistent with artistic imagery of the period of several patron gods of numerous polities in the south of the peninsula. The tablets contrast with modern retellings of the tale in which the winged serpent is depicted as a great protector under the palace of Sémúúdal, who is just a man. It is said that while enjoying the flower-gardens of the palace with his daughter an ant came and stung his daughter, who became gravely ill from the venom. Sémúúdal then sets on a quest to find a cure for his daughter. This quest involves the slaughter, manipulation and subjugation of several other prominent figures in Énqutsa mythology to obtain ingredients for a potion to heal his daughter. Modern versions of the story often reduce the violence that seems to be prevalent in the oldest surviving copies. After collecting the ingredients Sémúúdal returns home only to discover his daughter had died while he had been away. This sends Sémúúdal into a deep grief. Modern versions depict Sémúúdal using this grief to give his riches away to his subjects so that they may not suffer loss like he had. The tablets of [CLAY TABLETS] also include this detail, however, they expand upon it through the addition that Sémúúdal refused to eat and slowly wastes away to dust in his palace from his immense grief. It is said that the story conveys the founding, expansion and eventual fall of the first kingdom through metaphor. Despite the prevalence of this story amongst native peoples, years of colonial and foreign rule diluted the perceived veracity of the account. This included amongst native scholars who had also started to take a cynical view. However this changed when in 1879, two doctorate students, [STUDENT1] and [STUDENT2], at the University of Tsétlaxó provided new evidence from their excavation of a site in the jungles of northern Axótsip'ó. The site was a large palatial complex that was ornately decorated with depictions of winged serpents and with a vast flower garden. Fortunately, [STUDENT1] had a special interest in pre-Quramín Énqutsa mythology and suggested a connection between the site and the mythical palace of Sémúúdal. Not only was this theory substantiated by the site itself, there were also several murals and mosaics depicting scenes of conflict, spearheaded by characters depicted in the story. The paper was received critically at the time of its publication although it did unsettle the status quo enough to promote funding for deeper research and secured full-time research positions at the University of Tsétlaxó. Several subsequent expeditions across southern Vidina showed architectural and ceramic styles that were consistent with the Sémúúdal site. It is now commonly accepted that there was a large centralised state to have existed across a large region of southern Vidina including the islands of Naou Coili. It is now thought that the spread of Énqutsa people from Énqusqan peninsula across the south of Vidina, once a topic of fierce debate, can be traced back to the expansion of the kingdom. There is evidence that the pre-Énqutsa populations of these regions were subject to some form of persecution and only the Abiate culture persisted beyond the fall of the kingdom. Despite claims by some scholars that native, contemporary literary evidence may exist and simply hasn’t been found, this is considered a fringe, pseudoscientific hypothesis. This is due to the prevalence of writing in the architecture of sites in the interregnum, so it follows that pre-interregnal sites would also feature writing if the society was literate.

The exact causes for the collapse of the first kingdom are not known. The archaeological evidence suggests that almost all major urban population centres were abandoned over a short period of time and there exist several hypotheses including plague, famine, invasion, natural disaster or a combination of these.

Interregnum
The Interregnum is a period of time that lasted from the fall of the mythic first kingdom circa 100 BCE to the end of the War of Flowers in 957 CE. Several petty kingdoms rose and fell across this span of time and written records from the native Énqutsa also begin to appear in the archaeological record.

Nurvidin plague
In the period between 365 and 378 CE, there were a series of yearly outbreaks of disease known historically as the Nurvidin plague after the region in Tar-dinuu where its presence was first recorded. It seems likely that the disease spread from north of the Énqusqó Peninsula to the Kidal Sea by traders, and that in truth the disease was probably infecting Énqutsa populations before the Dinuuen and the Kidal. This epidemic was considered by contemporary scholars to be more severe than previous or even subsequent diseases of the surrounding decades and it is believed to have killed some 70% of the population of the peninsula. The impact of the epidemic can still be seen today, many of the ruined city states that dot the jungles of the peninsula appear to have been abandoned during or very soon after this event. Contemporary descriptions of the disease depict fits of severe chills, sweating, vomiting, diarrhoea and blood-stained urine which were then followed by "unnatural contortions of the body and limbs" and ultimately death. Some healers commented on the similarity of the early stages of the disease to another condition known in the area as "brackish fire" (standard Énqutsa: véshuca tsézhesqólcó) which was common in swampy areas by the mouths of rivers along the north and eastern coasts of the peninsula. By 377 CE it had become a common theory that the plague was nothing more than a severe form of this disease and so healers began to treat the afflicted with the stings of the Sea-flower anemone (standard Énqutsa: q'erínyáru), a common anemone whose stings had a numbing and anti-pyrexical effect. The way that this knowledge is described in the written record suggests that the practice of treating brackish fire with anemone stings was a long-standing folk-medicine tradition. This treatment proved effective at reducing the severity of the disease and widespread adoption of the practice became common across the Kidal, resulting in the end of the epidemic. In the subsequent years several cultivation sites appeared in the waters surrounding the peninsula.

War of Flowers
The War of Flowers is the final conflict between petty kingdoms in the Interregnum. It was fought between the Kingdom of Cílóonyósqu and Tsétlaxó. Historians debate over when the tensions in the region began. Some say it began with the poisoning of the king of Cílóonyósqu, others say it was at the betrothal of princess P'óo Mín Tsetli to [TSETLAXO KING] and others say the tensions go back further still. The war was declared after the death of the king of Cílóonyósqu in 954 CE. Famously, Princess P'óo Mín Tsetli took up arms against her eastern neighbour and betrothed without ascending to the throne of Cílóonyósqu as no coronation ceremony was held. She blamed her betrothed for her father's death, citing it as an assassination to try to claim the throne for himself upon their wedding. A quote often attributed to the princess is as follows:"Standard Énqutsa: 'va sémúxólqwáa pányezhúca ponelcánqo pyó tay ítlica tsétlaxól nyárushówó léqúzháwa pétli!'"Translation: "May we see our kingdoms united and may Tsétlaxó blood water our flowers!"

This quote is what gives the War of Flowers its name. Whether or not the Princess said it, or whether it was ever said at all is widely debated, many scholars believe it was likely a form of propaganda. An adapted form of the quote was adopted by the Cílóonyósqu government after its independence in 1950. The conquest of the lands held by Tsétlaxó took 6 months, with the majority of the war being spent in a long siege of the palatial complex within the city of Tsétlaxó. The war concluded in 957 CE with the beheading of [TSETLAXO KING] and the formation of the Empire of Tsétlaxó-Cílóonyósqu.

Empire of Tsétlaxó-Cílóonyósqu
The Empire of Tsétlaxó-Cílóonyósqu, also known as the Second Kingdom of Énqusqó, is the longest ruling power to have existed on the Énqusqó Peninsula .From its founding in 957 to its eventual demise at the hands of Salian colonial efforts in the later 17th century, it left an important cultural mark on the south of Vidina and the nations on the Kidal Sea. Many theories of governance, law, art and religion arose during its near 750-year-long existence.

Early empire
The founding of the Empire of Tsétlaxó-Cílóonyósqu in 957 CE marked the end of the War of Flowers. The 3 year-long conflict was bloody and engulfed most of the petty kingdoms in the south of the peninsula at the end of the Interregnal Period. The war was won by the young princess P'óo Mín Tsetli (P'óos Mín Terahl) of Cílóonyósqu after a protracted siege of the palatial complex of Tsétlaxó, which was made the new capital of the empire to boost prestige and legitimacy. Styling herself after the mythic Kings of the First Kingdom, she took a fourth name, Sémútli (Sémútl), a title that became inherited by her descendants. Many scholars have mistakenly mistook the titular nature of the name for a family name, as such the P'óo Men dynasty was historically referred to as the Sémútli dynasty by foreign scholars. After a lavish coronation ceremony in 958 CE, P'óo Mín Tsetli enacted a series of reforms to the navy, implementing many technical advances and the construction of a grand fleet of 370 grand war canoes, the largest navy to sail in the Kidal Sea before the 19th century. This navy was used to steer trade towards the cities of the empire, sinking or commandeering ships that refused to enter port to pay tariffs. This strangle hold on trade in the region lead to many small wars with neighbouring cities on islands in the Kidal and along the south coast of Énqusqó resulting in expansion of the empire's borders.

Golden age
Under P'óo Mín reign the Énqutsa people had a golden age. Legal systems were installed that still hold precedent in modern governance of the peninsula. The most notable of these was the Empress' recognition of the sovereignty of the cities she ruled over, granting them autonomy helped to keep the empire stable. In many ways the empire resembled a modern federal state.

In 970 CE, 13 years into the reign of P'óo Mín Tsetli, the first census of a population on the peninsula was conducted, known as the Grand List. This endeavour was taken so that the Empress could more effectively govern and tax her new populace. It recorded names of all peoples over the age of 15 who had been within her borders for more than one year, this included slaves and foreigners.

There were also significant advances in poetry during this period with the development of the [POETRY STYLE] style.

Some modern scholars also credit the Empress with spearheading societal change amongst the Énqutsa people as she was the first woman to ever hold both lands and titles on such a grand scale. Most titles that would be inherited by women were passed to their husbands or sons. She further broke the mould by refusing to let her children take their father's familial name, continuing her father's line of Mín. This was unheard of in Énqutsa history and it became a trend for female title holders to pass their patrilineal name to their children, instead of them taking their father's. To cement her claim to her father's titles, new laws were drafted to ensure that grounds for inheritance of patrilineal titles were equal on the basis of gender. This law is thought to be the first gender equality law ever written.

Empress P'óo Mín Tsetli died in 1004 CE, aged 73 and was succeeded by her only son and heir P'óo Mín [SON]. He was 42 upon his coronation and had spent much of his youth by his mother's side on naval conquests. Many records from the time describe him as a very ambitious man who dreamed of uniting the whole Kidal Sea under his rule and in the first 12 years of his reign he made some success towards this goal, conquering cities along the western coast of Énqusqó as far north as [CANAL BAY]. Unfortunately, in the year 1017 a tsunami in the Kidal Sea devastated the Empire's navy and economy, which was almost entirely formed from coastal industries and trade. The Emperor spent the remainder of his reign quelling local rebellions and rebuilding communities. Some scholars believe he went into a deep depression after seeing the devastation of his Empire and he threw himself from the cliffs of the palatial complex in 1026 after an episode of mania. His 37-year-old daughter P'óo Mín Nyáru was crowned Empress within hours of her father's death. This is considered suspicious by most modern scholars.

Under P'óo Mín Nyáru, the Empire recovered greatly from the damage of the tsunami an the poor management of her father. She expanded the land forces of the state, creating a formal standing army trained in jungle warfare. After a bloody 10 year-long campaign, the central and eastern regions of the peninsula came under rule of the Empire. These military campaigns were followed by a period of peace and the rebuilt navy patrolled the Kidal maintaining the trade monopoly and hunting pirates. This peacetime lasted throughout the reign of P'óo Mín Nyáru and the benefits were felt beyond the Kidal Sea as trade, although heavily tariffed, flowed freely and free from piracy. The export of Énqutsa art, culture and religion reached its height during this period and being well versed in Énqutsa literature and song was a sign of high nobility and education in courts as far as [DISTANT VIDINA]. After the death of P'óo Mín Nyáru in 1057, future emperors and empresses would grow complacent in their wealth. Her death is considered to mark the end of the Énqutsa golden age, despite the period of prosperity lasting well into the mid-12th century.

Age of stagnation
By the 13th century the institutions of the Empire had become corrupt and complacent. The monarchs had begun to lose the respect of the populace and the imperial court had become a stage for sycophants. This, alongside heavy taxes that had been implemented to fund the lavish lifestyles of the ruling class, had lead to general unrest. Additionally, rivalries persisting from the Interregnum began to manifest as religious tensions between the patron deities of neighbouring cities. A series of rebellions from 1246 to 1261 across the Empire posed a serious challenge for the court of Emperor P'óo Mín [RELIGIOUS EMPEROR] who found themselves grossly unprepared to quell unrest; the navy had been underfunded for nearly 100 years and the standing army of P'óo Mín Nyáru had been disbanded in 1098. By 1262, the Emperor had managed to gain control over some rebellious provinces, installing new governors in the cities. This intervention in municipal affairs set a dangerous precedent that violated some of the oldest laws of the Empire. It had been the case that the city-state was sovereign for nearly 400 years, and many members of the court wrote concerned letters about the wisdom of deposing sovereign, often locally-elected rulers, in favour of loyalists to the central state. The most far-flung city-states in the Kidal and the north managed to break away from the empire, however, which caused a large loss of territory for the Empire.

Another effort made by P'óo Mín [RELIGIOUS EMPEROR] to centralise power was through his 1262 religious reforms. This saw the unification of the patron deities into a single pantheon, with many deities that shared similar domains becoming merged into one being. This upset many conservatives in the imperial court, however, the reforms were massively effective and had created a stronger sense of unity amongst the populace to the Empire.

In the wake of the unpreparedness of both the military and the navy, spending within the court was reduced in order to redevelop the institutions that had allowed the Empire to rise to power at the turn of the millennium. The loss of territories during the rebellions had made the Empire look weak on the international stage and the prestige that the Empire had afforded in previous centuries began to wane. The revival of the Imperial navy facilitated a rejuvenation of trade in the Kidal and a reduction in the piracy that had taken root during the long period of stagnation. By 1279, the Empire had regained its holdings in the Kidal Sea, however, the northern cities had been subsumed by [NORTHERN NEIGHBOUR] and the Empire was not capable of fighting a prolonged terrestrial military campaign, with the major military spending being afforded to the navy.

Fall of the empire
Since its founding, the Empire had no consolidated rival on the Kidal Sea; its neighbours to the north and south had navies a fraction of the size of the Imperial Navy, even during the stagnation. This changed with the rise of the Kingdom of Higher Tar-dinuu in 1329. What started as mutual respect from one monarchy to another across the Kidal Sea slowly devolved into petty naval conflicts over trade and ultimately the War for the Kidal broke in 1367. The war marked a turning point for the Empire as for the first time in recorded history, a foreign power made landfall on the peninsula. The Imperial Army hadn't been prepared for a land invasion and very quickly the Tar-dinuuen forces swept across the south-east and laid siege to the capital at Tsétlaxó. During the siege, the royal court managed to leave the city on canoes up the [RIVER NAME] and escape into the east of the country. They established a Court in Exile in Laltázalqó and began peace negotiations with Higher Tar-dinuu in which they ceded their holdings in the Kidal Sea and the south-east of the Énqusqó Peninsula.

The loss of the trade monopoly over the Kidal hit the Empire's economy hard and many cities reduced tariffs on trade goods to encourage merchants to dock at their ports. In the wake of growing unrest the Imperial court relinquished much of its power to the cities. The municipal governors also formed an advisory council that was independent from the Imperial court to advise the monarch on matters that they had no jurisdiction over. In effect, this castrated the power of the imperial court and this advisory council would only ever act in its own interest, often scheming to mislead the emperors.

This new oligarchy proved to be a stabilising force for the Empire which had lost its standing as a regional power and overtime the role of the monarch became less important in the running of the state. This changed when in 1602, the northern cities on the Yalzherín granted fleet basing rights to all Myrish traders and explorers without consent of the Empress. It was well established that only the Empress could create this type of universal legislature. A policy of slight isolationism had been adopted for fear of another invasion of the peninsula by a foreign power and laws were in place so that foreign vessels may only berth at Laltázalqó. The Myrish welcomed access to the western ports as it hastened their journeys to and from Alutra and so began to dock in the cities of Tsénusqu, Yózíronénqu and Naronyiló immediately. The Empress was advised against repealing the changes and instead ratifying the cities as the new ports for trade with Gladomyr as interference in their trade may insight war. It is likely though that this advice was given by the municipal council and not from within her court.

Myrish investment made these port-cities extremely wealthy and soon regions of the city were granted to the Myrish government where diplomats and military leaders could be stationed. News of this was understandably poorly received at court and by other members of the municipal council. All parties urged the Empress to declare the cities in open rebellion and to send a fleet and army to invade and depose the rulers of the city-states. Instead, the Empress decided she would use the opportunity to build a friendship with Gladomyr and subject the local leaders to rule under a foreign government that would likely not afford them the same autonomy they enjoyed under her rule. Thus, negotiations for the sale of the northern cities and their dependant holdings began in 1629 and by 1630 the territories had been sold to Gladomyr under the pretence that they would respect their new borders with the Empire and not expand their lands into sovereign Énqusqan territory. This sale marked the beginning of Alutran colonialism on the peninsula.

[SALIAN CONQUEST]

Myrish canal
In the 19th century trade through the Kidal Sea was dominated by Ordrey which hampered the productivity of Myrish colonies in south Vidina, including their colony on the Yalzherín. To help combat the Ordrish trade monopoly in the region, plans for a canal to be built through the isthmus of Vinca were created. [INCOMPLETE]

World War One
[INCOMPLETE]

World War Two
The Énqusqó Peninsula formed part of the Kidal theatre during the Second World War with the primary aims being controlling access through the straights of Kidal and the Vinca canal. Higher Tar-dinuu played a major role in this theatre and retook their old holdings both in the Kidal and on the peninsula. They also successfully launched successful amphibious invasions of the Myrish colony on the Yalzherín placing control of the region firmly in the hands of the Alliance powers. After the Concert powers were defeated, Salian allowed Higher Tar-dinuu to retake its previous holdings in the peace deal, but it ceded the Myrish colonies to Salia. In the aftermath of WW2 there was a growing anti-colonialist movement on the peninsula, many local Énqutsa grieved the loss of loved ones that were perceived to have died in a foreign war on Énqutsa soil. Whilst the Salians were much more able (and willing) to suppress resistance movements, the government of Higher Tar-dinuu struggled to maintain control. Over the course of 3 years, Tar-dinuuen military control retreated south and by 1949 they had left the peninsula entirely, focusing on maintaining their hold over the islands in the Kidal Sea.

There had been no centralised resistance movement across now independent region and as such multiple nation states formed, expanding outwards from major population centres. These newly formed city-states met at a council held in Cílóonyósqu where they agreed to draw up official borders based on geography, pre-colonialist borders and borders imposed under foreign occupation. This resulted in the modern borders of the south-western city-states in Énqusqó.

Post-colonial era
The Treaty of Cílóonyósqu, the treaty that established the modern borders of the south-western city-states, was signed in 1950 and marked the start of the post-colonial era on the peninsula. This era saw the fall of colonial power in the region and the formation of the modern Republic.

Pre-Republic International Organisations
After independence from Higher Tar-dinuu in 1949, the leaders of the various independence movements that existed across the peninsula met together to organise governance of the region. At this meeting, which has come to be known as the Council of Eleven, an international treaty was proposed that established borders for 11 new nations across the south of the peninsula. The Treaty of Eleven came into force in 1950. The delay between the proposal and eventual signature of the treaty had come from the wording of the proposal itself, which had stated that it could only be ratified by the "natural and democratically chosen" governments of these new states. As the independence factions were military entities, they did not meet this criteria and so systems of government had to be installed with the support of their future populace. This task proved to be more challenging in some states than others.

The first governments to form and sign the treaty were those of Tsétlaxó, Cílóonyósqu, Calénqu, Valqaró and Anrusqó. As they were the first officially recognised states in the region, they could begin to engage with each other and external powers diplomatically. In early 1950, their leaders met for a second time in Cílóonyósqu to discuss the promotion of economic integration between their nations. The region had existed as a largely integrated economy for nearly a century and much of the modern industries relied heavily on infrastructure built by the Ordrish under colonialism. The treaty, known as the Cílóonyósqu Agreements, created a free-trade agreement between the city-states, known as the Post-Colonial Economic Sphere of Énqusqó (PCESE). Informally it was agreed that trade could be conducted with the unrecognised states as if they were in the free-trade agreement. By the end of 1950, all of the 11 states had signed the Treaty of Eleven and thus could be recognised internationally. The date of signature of the treaty by a state was followed by the signature of the Cílóonyósqu Agreements, marking its official joining of the PCESE, despite the de facto access to the trade agreement having already existed for several months.

Treaty of P'óo Mín Tsetli
The Treaty of P'óo Mín Tsetli (TPMT) was signed in 1952 by 6 members of the PCESE in Tsétlaxó, breaking the tradition of international treaties being signed in Cílóonyósqu. The treaty was an attempt to align the interests of the peninsula under a common political and diplomatic system. Pressure for the unification had been created by the growing tension on the world stage. The treaty established a diplomatic forum for the leaders of signatory members known as the Regal Senate (standard Énqutsa: Alaxótli Tsézalqwáa) alongside a group of government ministers known as the Regal Council (standard Énqutsa: Xényúxótli Tsézalqwáa). It was more common for the Regal Council to meet than the senate, as it was the sole role of these ministers to engage on diplomatic endeavours with other member states. There was also an internally elected Grand Councillor (standard Énqutsa: Énxényútli) who presided over the meetings of the council and ensure proper discourse. This council had the role of proposing bills for potential international treaties that would benefit the prosperity of the constituent nations they represented. Many of these proposals did not make it to the the Regal Senate for debate, refinement and signing.

An additional measure included within the signing of the treaty was the promise to incorporate a series of common laws between member states. Many of these laws were introduced under the reign of Empress P'óo Mín Tsetli, for who the treaty was subsequently named, but were abolished by subsequent foreign and colonial powers. These laws were primarily focused on providing the individual with rights to life, expression and justice. These rights were intentionally classified into ambiguous and broad categories in order for the possibility that amendments and clarifications may be made to the treaty in the future without violating the integrity of the treaty.

In order to enforce these new common laws, it was also agreed that there should be a new high court created to uphold the citizen's rights to justice. This new high court was formed by a high judge from each of the high courts of the member nations.

The treaty was written to contain a clause that acted to protect any member state from being bullied by the other states. The clause stated that all members must act to uphold the sovereignty of their fellow states, which has been called sufficiently vague that it can be interpreted as anything from a mutual defence pact between members, to an opportunity for the nations to justify a war with any power that would not see Énqusqó ruled by its native people. Fortunately, the clause has never been used for the latter, but the mutual defence pact interpretation did come into play during World War Three.

The offer to sign the final version fo the treaty, which was originally negotiated by only the five founding members of the PCESE, was extended to the remaining members of the free-trade agreement and only one other state agreed to join, Mílálzalqu. The others were happy to remain within the free trade agreement of the PSESE but saw this new organisation as a breach of their sovereignty. Upon this rejection by other members, which was considered as shocking by many politicians at the time, amendments were made to the economic reforms proposed that allowed member states to be both part of the PCESE and the newly suggested customs union.

Modern scholars treat the signing of this treaty as the start of the republic in all but name, with the resulting organisation being known as the Énqusa Pányezhúca [United Cities] (in standard Énqutsa). The organisation remained open for other members of the PCESE to join for its entire existence and has no requirements beyond the signature of the TPMT and subsequent adoption of its contents.

The Énqusa Pányezhúca (EP) had already begun to realise its goals on a region level and had become the most prosperous economic bloc in the PCESE. The combination of this economic pressure plus growing world tension saw the accession of 3 additional city-states in 1953, bringing the entire independent southern coast of Énqusqó under the EP.

World War Three
With the advent of the Third World War, the Énqusqan peninsula was again consumed by war. The looming threat of invasion by Salia into the newly independent states became a major factor in the signing of the TPMT by Sínyólon and Énváronqó. This was for the perceived benefit of the potential for the treaty to act as defensive pact. By mid 1954 the two states had fully joined the EP and with the outbreak of war in Alutra, plans bane to be made for a unified military operation.

In 1955, fearing that the EP would act as a staging point for a Myrish or Riyudic invasion of their Énqusqan holdings, Salia began a preemptive invasion of the EP. This prompted Riyude, which was already involved in conflict on the neighbouring isles of Naou Coili, to begin to aid EP forces. Despite the prowess of the Salian navy, all attempted naval invasions of the EP were thwarted by Riyudic air support and Énqutsa naval stratagem. Several blockades were established in the Kidal which aided in the successful capture of the Vinca canal by Riyudic ground forces in 1957.

Military efforts by the combined EP forces were plagued by poor logistics and clashes of personality between the military leaders of the different states. The only successful military campaign that was launched into Salia controlled territory was lead by [GENERAL] who defied direct orders and pushed along the western coast from the border city of Lemálósqu, subsequently clearing its independence from Énváronqó. As the EP was preoccupied with the war, it was in no position to quell this rebellion and the majority of leaders chose to temporarily legitimise the new city-state despite the outrage of Énváronqan leadership. The is also evidence to suggest the success of the military campaigns led by [GENERAL] factored into this silence.

The war ended in Salian defeat and the EP nations formed part of the peace talks. Much negotiation was held about how the peninsula should be divided and the EP held strong anti-colonialist opinions which were eventually victorious. The result was that Several new nations would be created from the Salian colonies, however the land around the Vinca canal, which was purchased by Gladomyr before Salian rule, would become a Riyudic colony for a period of no more than 30 years, before it must be granted independence.

In the wake of the devastation that was brought to the peninsula during the war, there was a strong sentiment that the unified military operations had reduced the effectiveness of the militaries of each city-state. This established a precedent against unification that still impedes the growing integration of the modern republic. The states of the EP voted to fully recognise the new city state of Lemálósqu due to its contributions during the war and allowed it to retain its holdings in peace negotiations. In return, the state had to conform to the rules that were laid out in the Treaty of Eleven, which was amended to reflect the new borders of Énváronqó.

The 1967 amendments

 * Attempt to centralise governance into a single state - founding of the true republic
 * 30 year plan to move towards a federal state
 * treaty of P'óo Mín Tsetli amended to include
 * Creation of Public Senate
 * Transfer of power to Public Senate from Regal Council
 * Creation of Public Council and Grand Senator (based on the Grand Councillor whose office was dissolved)
 * Enshrining the Regal Council as the head of state for the new Republic
 * 30 year plan to transition:
 * agree on which powers should be exclusively held by the central government - currently they could only propose shared economic policy
 * work towards building a unified military
 * work towards complete economic and political integration

Partitions Act of 1971
The Partitions Act of 1971 is the only time the Republic has redrawn the borders of active member city-states since its founding. The act came after la bought of civic unrest in the larger nations that had joined after World War Three who felt that they were not adequately represented within the senates of the republic. The politicians from southern member cities were stoic in their approach to the issue and formed a united front across party lines imploring that the issue lay with the size of the member states, not with the Houses of the Senate. After a few months of debate, it became clear that the populace of the larger city-states agreed with the stance of the southern politicians and plans were put in place to redraw the borders of the republic. The bill passed between the Public Senate and the Regal Senate repeatedly over the course of two years until finally a compromise was met. The act saw that the partitioned members were granted an additional seat for each new member city-state that was created from territory that they previously governed. In total, 8 new city-states were created and they were all granted provisional membership to the Republic until governments were installed that could vote to fully accede into the Republic.

Whilst the act had proved successful internally, nations on the periphery of the republic were dissuaded from initiating talks about increasing their integration with the Republic. It wouldn't be for over a decade before any new members began negotiations for membership into the union, and even then extra reassurances had to be made that the borders of the city-states would be respected and not redrawn at the will of foreign powers.

Diplomacy Act of 1974

 * Part of the 30-year federalisation plan
 * Saw the dissolution of political power from the states to the central government in foreign peaceful relations. => WF representation, helped to provide a singular voice in the WF and have the republic taken more seriously as a single diplomatic entity.
 * Was contentious - brought about due to some political/foreign relations crisis?

Topography
[INCOMPLETE]

Climate
The Énqusqó peninsula lies entirely within the south Vidina equatorial climate zone. The peninsula receives large volumes of precipitation throughout the year, with low-lying regions by the coast receiving an annual average of 3,400mm, with the mountainous interior receiving upwards of 6,700mm annually. The region experiences two periods of heavier rainfall spaced by periods of lighter rainfall through the year. This variance is due to the crossing of the ITCZ across the peninsula. Temperature remains a near constant 28°C year round (27-30°C) with much greater temperature variance felt through diurnal shifts, which can see a fall of some 7°C at night.

The incidence of tropical storms and tropical cyclones is high in the region and have played a major part in the development of local ecosystems and human settlements. The most devastating cyclone in recorded history hit the area came in [19th CENTURY] and saw the destruction of many Alutran assets, naval vessels and colonies across the peninsula. In the modern day, the city-states of the peninsula have employed multiple infrastructural and environmental strategies to mitigate the impact of these natural disasters.

Biodiversity
As part of the Kidal biogeographic realm, Énqusqó has a very high biodiversity in the sea, on the land and in the air. The mountainous interior of the peninsular has led to the development of many species that are endemic to the region, sometimes having ranges as small as just one river valley.

Marine life
notes:


 * Domestic parrotfish - eaten and display varieties
 * Quinine anemone - Q'erínyáru
 * Purple dye coral
 * Others

Coastal and lowland fauna

 * Sea birds
 * Marsupials?
 * Larger animals
 * Green butterflies! - Cílóonyu

Interior fauna

 * really weird stuff that only lives in very specific places

Flora

 * funky plants
 * carnivorous plants? - carnivorous epiphytes?
 * lots of epiphytes - maybe something like an orchid?

Politics
Énqusqó is a republican confederation of city-states with a multi-partisan, bicameral parliamentary system. The republic has no codified constitution, instead the powers granted to the confederal government are established in a series of international treaties which are in turn enshrined in the national laws of each member state. The most influential of these treaties is the Treaty of P'óo Mín Tsetli, which, when combined with its amendments, outlines the devolved powers of the republic, protects the sovereignty of member states, establishes the three main institutions of the republic and provides universal rights for citizens.

At the confederal level there is an imposed universal suffrage from age 15 in elections, which are held every three Qara years on the Qayaqaral calendar. The exact method of election is at the discretion of the government of each city-state but it must be some form of proportional representation.

Government
The legislative branch of government, known as the Houses of the Senate, is formed from the the Public Senate as a lower house and the Regal Senate as an upper house. The Public Senate consists of 351 seats which are distributed amongst the member states, with each state having a minimum of 9 seats each; the number of exact seats given to a member city-state is decided upon admission into the republic and is mandated by treaty, not specific algorithms. The Regal Senate is formed by the heads of government of each constituent member of the republic. It serves as both the upper house of the legislative branch and the head of state for the republic and must approve or revise laws and empower governments that arise from the lower house, it does not have the power to generate legislature.

A major principle of the Houses of the Senate is the use of consensus instead of majority to reach decisions. In the Regal Senate consensus alone is used for decision making, as all matters brought before the Regal Senate require the cooperation and approval of all member city-states. Within the Public Senate there is a strong culture of cooperation across party lines and striving for majority consensus, as legislation requires a 2/3 majority vote in order to be approved by the lower house and sent to the upper house for review. The relatively few seats compared to the number of political factions within the Public Senate means that coalition governments and minority governments are common. It is rare for a single political party to achieve a majority in the Public Senate and never in history has one party obtained a controlling majority in an election. The executive branch, known as the Public Council, takes office after receiving approval from both Senates. The head of government is known as the Grand Senator and they are appointed by the party/parties that form an incumbent government versus direct election by the populace. The Grand Senator may appoint senators to ministerial offices to form a cabinet. The Public Council works in partnership with the Regal Council (formed by ministers of member city-state governments) to ensure that the laws and interests of the republic are upheld. A notable feature of the executive branch is that there is no ministerial appointment that oversees a unified defence of the republic. Instead, each member has complete sovereignty over its military affairs and defence and the republic cannot negotiate with external powers on behalf of all members in regards to military matters. Despite this, the Treaty of P'óo Mín Tsetli which all member states must sign to join the confederation requires that each member protects the sovereignty of each and every city-state, thus creating a mutual defence pact.

2020 public election
[INCOMPLETE]

Member city-states
As of 2022, there are 33 member city-states within the republic. These city-states are considered to be sovereign nations and are bound together in the Republic through a series of international treaties. Each city-state reserves the right to leave the confederation although there is no precedent for how this process would unfold as no member city-state has ever left the Republic since its founding. The most recent state to accede to the Republic was the city-state of Qényalqaró, which immediately became the largest city-state within the union by land area. Each member retains its own military and there is no confederation-wide organisation of the military operations of the Republic, instead individual members must negotiate co-operative military operations outside of the frameworks of the Énqusqan government.

Judiciary system
[INCOMPLETE]

Foreign relations
The republic considers itself a regional power on the Kidal Sea and focuses much of its attention to furthering the diplomatic and economic prosperity in the region. It has begrudgingly co-operated with Higher Tar-dinuu which it considers to be its greatest rival in the region. Instances of co-operation are mostly due to the efforts of Tar-dinuu, which has aimed to repair relations after granting independence to the founding city-states of the Republic. oOne such example is the Kidal Environmental Agreements (KEA) [DISCUSS WITH SENGI]. Despite attempts at amelioration and reparation, the Republic stands in strong opposition to the Kidal Sea Cooperative Union (KSCU), an economic and political union that Higher Tar-dinuu has been working to implement in the region for decades. Outwardly, the republic insists this is due to the complexity of integrating their system of government (which is already an international diplomatic and economic confederation) with other nations in a wider union. Internally, however, there is a deeply rooted opposition to Tar-dinuuen interference in the governance of the peninsula. Many of the older generation in the south-west remember a time when higher Tar-dinuu ruled over them as an oppressive foreign power. As a result, no one in the government of these city-states wish to see a return of a foreign power to the mainland and so motions to help in the founding of the KSCU have failed to pass through the Regal Senate.

The Republic also enjoys good relations with several nations beyond the Kidal Sea. It has strong ties to Riyude who helped many of the city-states gain their independence in World War Three. Énqusqó has also maintained its friendly relationship to Gladomyr and it’s former colonies, providing special privileges nations to its markets and use of the Vinca canal. The canal is an important aspect of the economy of Vincalénqu, the wider Republic and the global economy. Many nations subsequently aim to have positive relations with Énqusqó in order to be granted access and avoid tariffs on the Kidal Sea.

Énqusqó has also long stood as an advocate for the cessation of colonialist and imperialist practices on the global stage. It is often involved in supporting newly independent states and recognises several nations that remain unrecognised globally, such as Lower Tar-dinuu. The nation has a historical record of aiding in the establishment of new government regimes and was integral to the drafting of the constitution of Naou Coili, which maintains a close friendship with the republic.

[INCOMPLETE]

Economy
The Énqusqan economy is the only example of a fiscal, customs and monetary union between independent nations. The republic existed under a customs and monetary union from 1970 until 1989 when the [AMENDMENT] was signed as part of the 30-year plan to federalise to republic. These amendments saw the expansion of the economic union to include a fiscal union. It was created to help promote the republics economic goals across the peninsula and provide stability to the Énqusqan q’essu. [MONETARY CRISIS?]. The republic has a relatively open state-oriented market economy that has been rapidly industrialised. The nation is considered to be on the cusp of ‘developed’ by global economists.

After the republic’s founding in 1952, the traditional agriculture and mining economies began to transition towards a multi-sectorial economy. This transition strengthened after the 1967 Amendments, which saw the republic receive much more devolved power over economic policy. Some scholars attribute these amendments as the true founding of the republic, despite the fact that treaty they amended was first signed in 1952. These new economic policies saw the creation of a shared currency, the q’essu, and the encouragement of city states to push for adoption of the Grana Development Model which had been created and popularised by Riyude, a close trade partner of the republic to this day. Many of these changes were spearheaded by the new Mercantile Party (standard Énqutsa: Nyéron Q’ázalca) who had received a large proportion of the Public Senate vote in the July 1969 election. The adoption of these economic policies saw heavy investment in key industries such as the vanilla industry, electronics, construction, shipbuilding and pharmaceuticals. After the creation of the fiscal union in 1989, this economic policy was enshrined in the law of the republic an investment in key industries became a matter of the republic, not individual member city-states.

International trade and manufacturing form key sectors in the Énqusqan economy, aided by the republic’s strategic position on the straights of Kidal to its southwest and the Vinca canal in the north. Access to the many rare chemical compounds found in the endemic flora and fauna of the region has promoted the development of a pharmaceutical industry. Heavy investment from the government has provided the industry with a great deal of support in return for helping to provision the national health service of the republic. Énqusqó exports natural, agricultural and aquacultural resources with vanilla and vanilla products being major exports. The republic holds a controlling interest over the production of the spice, producing approximately 63% of the global supply. The largest portion of the economy is within the service sector which accounts for around 57.6% of the republic’s GDP. A major contributor to this sector is tourism which has been steadily on the rise in the country since the 1990s. In 2016 there was an initiative to boost foreign interest in travel to Énqusqó through the creation of the Home Away from Home programme which saw the creation of new visas permitting extended stay of up to 10 years.

Due to the long history of commerce in the region, the banking and insurance industries have become substantial in Énqutsa. There has also been an expansion in knowledge-based services such as design and marketing. Due to the success of its economic policies, Énqusqó was able to begin its own space program with assistance from Riyude and Gladomyr who share close economic ties with the republic. This saw the creation of a spaceport in 2008 along the western coast of Vincalénqu, near the Vinca canal. It has been used as a launching site for several satellites that are operated by foreign space agencies due to its equatorial latitude. Although the government cannot fund many space endeavours independently, the construction of the spaceport as part of the Vinca canal system has garnered the republic much more influence on the world stage.

Finance
[INCOMPLETE]

Language
Officially, the state language Énqutsa, is recognised as being a single language with multiple regional dialects. The state acknowledges these dialectal differences and uses the dialect spoken in the south west of the peninsula as the standard. In practice, however, the linguistic picture of the republic is complex. Some scholars agree with the dialectal theory, others propose that each dialect is in fact a distinct language, yet the overwhelming majority of modern study has indicated a more mixed picture.

Linguistic divergence on the peninsula can be traced back to the Interregnum, when geopolitical isolation between the north and south lead to a major split in the Énqutsa language family. The rise of the Empire of Tsétlaxó-Cílóonyósqu saw the spread of a dialect spoken in the south west of the peninsula which would come to be known as Classical Énqutsa. The most notable displacement of a dialect by Classical Énqutsa can be seen around Yalzherín, where southern migrants displaced local populations leading to the death of the Gulf Énqutsa language, a branch of Northern Énqutsa. Only one member state within the modern republic has a population of native speakers of a Northern Énqutsa language: Qényalqaró, although the republic refuses to acknowledge that the language is not just another Énqutsa dialect, despite the difficulties in intelligibility. Under the rule of the Empire, the diversification of the dialects of Classical Énqutsa slowed which was likely a result of increased literacy, centralised bureaucracy and the influence of culture. The least interconnected parts of the Empire were the communities in the mountainous interior of the peninsula. As such the dialects in these regions are considered to be the most distantly related to other dialects of Classical Énqutsa.

After the fall of the Empire, the peninsula was divided amongst several Alutran powers: Gladomyr, Ordrey and Salia. Whilst colonial rule didn't uproot the native dialects, it isolated them. This resulted in sometimes substantial discrepancies between the lexicons to a point that some scholars argue they should be considered distinct languages. Despite this, people from these regions can still communicate with one another much easier than they can with those who speak dialects from the mountains.

The Republic does not mandate that its member city-states convene their national governments using the standard dialect of Énqutsa, nor that they have an official language. It encourages the use of the standard dialect within the institutions of the republic by politicians, to ease communications and all laws are written using standard dialect.

There are populations fo speakers of non-Énqutsa languages within the republic. These are mostly speakers of Kidal and Dinuuen, although there are some people who are descended from colonists who still natively speak the languages of their ancestors, particularly Riyudic speakers. The republic does not afford for these populations directly, instead individual city-states provide translations and support for their respective populations.

Religion
Whilst the republic has no official state religion, many in the republic do practice a religion. The most commonly practiced of these religions is the Énqutsa pantheon, called Quramín (literally: City-Gods). In the 2021 census, 56.32% of the population declared to observe the practices of the religion. Ayekism has a large presence on the peninsula and is most prominent in the economic centres of areas that were subject to Salian colonial rule. The pantheon of the Énqutsa was unified into a centralised religion in 1262 through a series of reforms by [RELIGIOUS EMPEROR]. This saw the collation of approximately 500 individual deities into 18. This was facilitated by the significant overlap between the domains of these older deities and this helped widespread adoption of the new religion. Some of the folk stories told by the Énqutsa were compiled into a canonised text that was known as the Nineteen and One Tales.

Each of the 18 deities have a distinct cult of followers who oversee the observation of worship towards their respective deity. Each cult is headed by an oracle who is responsible for the interpretation of the faith and the oversight of the cult’s clergy. In the past, individual cities adopted one of the 18 as a patron to replace their old patron gods. At this time religion was quite focalised in the temples of a city. In the modern day, the majority of worshippers do not frequent services at temples apart from during important festivals. Most religious observance has transferred to being on a clan or familial level, with individual clans or families having patron deities which have shrines in the home. Often these shrines are decorated with photos of the deceased as a form of ancestor worship.

Education
Notes:


 * Long tradition of providing free primary education - clans would run primary schools that would be subsidised by the state to take in children to teach basic arithmetic and literacy,
 * First university was founded under P'óo Mín Nyáru in Tsétlaxó in 1036 CE - still open although saw a period of disuse for some 500 years.
 * secondary education made free in in the 1950s
 * Tertiary education made free to all citizens in 1990

Healthcare

 * Healthcare has bene provided through a unified national service since founding of the republic in 1967
 * City-states that had signed the treaty of P'óo Mín Tsetli had also provided free healthcare since 1952

Domestic architecture

 * historical architecture of the clan unit - how that has changed into the modern day? apartments?

Cinema

 * Modern rise of Énqutsa cinema globally - similar to the rise of Korean cinema in the real world. Re-emergence of Énqutsa culture as a globally influential force

Calendar
The Énqutsa are native to the equatorial regions of Vanatas and due to their climate they experience very little seasonal variation. This has lead to a historical preference for lunar calendars as tracking ‘seasons’ is quite redundant for the region. Both Luna and Jove (known as Qara and Qaya in standard Énqutsa) have been used to create various calendar systems, although Qaral calendars were massively more common. After the religious reforms of the 13th century there was a push for a unified calendar system for the empire, which had until that point been using multiple calendars across its polities. This new calendar set out to incorporate both Qaral and Qayal calendars into one bilunar or Luna-jovial calendar called the Qayaqaral. The calendar is still in use as the official calendar of Énqusqó despite the additional adoption of the [GLOBAL CALENDAR] calendar to aid in international affairs.

The Qayaqaral is based around two main cycles that track the two moons. The Énqaral is considered the inner cycle and lasts for 12 months that alternate between 30 and 29 days. These months follow the phases of Luna and are split into 5 weeks of 6 days, roughly corresponding to new, waxing crescent, waxing gibbous, waning gibbous and waning crescent. The count of the weekdays is interrupted by the start of each month and so while all months begin on Píca, some end on Punóca and others end on Yáluca. The calendar is synced with Luna such that the new moon marks the beginning of the next month. Each of the 12 months is named for a deity in the Quramín pantheon. It is from the Énqaral that a count of years is derived. The Énqayal is a cycle of 5 months that last for 65 days and an additional ‘hollow’ month of 64 days. Each month is named after one of the remaining 18 deities of the Quramín pantheon. These deities have come to be grouped together as the Qayamín although the religion does not recognise such a grouping as meaningful or canonical. The Énqayal is not numbered but instead given a name. This is based upon which month of the Énqaral that the first new moon of the Énqayal falls in. The two cycles are not synced with each other which creates this shift of the Énqayal through the Énqaral. It takes approximately 13 cycles of the Énqaral for the Énqayal to fully cycle back to the beginning.

Upon creation of the calendar it was said to have used the founding of the empire as a start date. Modern scholars disagree with this and point to the calendar starting on an instance of both Luna and Jove being new in phase. It is highly unlikely that the Empire of Tsétlaxó-Cílóonyósqu was founded under this astrological event. Using the Qayaqaral and contemporary accounts, it seems that the empire was founded around two Énqaral cycles later than the calendar claims.

The current date using the Qayaqaral is 3 Uvézalaltli Énqaral 5030, Mwolúzalatli Énqayalatli Nyilíncó [3rd of Úvétli of the Qara year 1098, Mwolúzal of the Qaya year of Nyilín] (in standard Énqutsa).

Cuisine
The cuisine of the Énqutsa people is quite varied across the peninsula, however, despite regional difference there are key elements that underpin the staple dishes of the cultural group. Primarily, Énqutsa cuisine is world renowned for its interplay between aquacultural produce and various plants that are grown terrestrially. The Énqutsa are considered to be mostly pescatarian and there is little evidence to suggest that they consumed the meat of solely-terrestrial fauna before the introduction of Alutran livestock during colonial rule of the Énqusqan peninsula.

Maize, legumes and squashes
Maize is most notable today as the staple crop of Vidina, and since the plant's early introduction to the lowlands of Énqusqó, the grain has too become central to Énqutsa cuisine. Many cultivars of the maize crop have been grown throughout the peninsula but the most common by far is the traditional 'golden' cultivar known as [MAIZE]. The ears of the plant are harvested and dried for four to five days before being ground into flour. The drying process is often made difficult by the humid climate of the region and so special clay kilns called [MAIZE KILN] are created to help drive the moisture from the grain. The temperature of these kilns has to be closely monitored or the grain could cook and burst making it unsuitable for flour production. This accidental product is a well known snack amongst the Énqutsa people called [MAIZE CLOUDS] and they are often served tossed in salt, powdered chilli and dried seaweed. The dish is sometimes served as an accompaniment at a meal. Once the ears of maize have dried they are milled into a fine flour that is used to make a series of flatbreads of differing shapes and sizes. The most commonly prepared flatbread is the [FLATBREAD] which is often served alongside stews or covered in a sauce with fried seafood and vegetables.

[BEANS] beans are another historical crop grown by many people across the Kidal and Vidina. The beans are grown as a rotation crop between harvests of other crops. In some fields the beans are planted alongside the intended crop such as [TOMATO] and [CHILLI] fields. These beans have been integral to the agricultural success of the Énqutsa peoples and have provided the soil, which experiences heavy run off due to high precipitation levels, with ample opportunity to be replenished with nutrients. The beans of the plant have also become an important element of the cuisine of the regions in which they are grown. They are prepared in a variety of ways. the first method of preparation leaves the beans within their pod which are subsequently steamed, boiled or fried to be served alongside other dishes. More commonly, the beans are removed from their pods where they are either dried for later use or prepared immediately by boiling or frying. Most stew dishes contain fresh beans that are either added directly to the stew pot or are first fried before being added although sometimes boiled and fried beans are used solely as a side dish. These bean stews (Standard Énqutsa: [BEAN STEW]) are common in the east of the peninsula. Finally the dried beans are always boiled into stews containing seaweed or [TOMATO] to create rich and flavoursome dishes. As this dish takes a long time to cook it is traditionally prepared in a very communal area so that all members of a clan or family can aid in its preparation.

Squashes of varying size and shape are also cultivated by the Énqutsa for culinary use, although historically their use has extended beyond the kitchen. These fleshy plants are often incorporated into stews and are very commonly paired with seafood. The squash also forms the basis of many soups, typically these soups are blended and the squash is sued for bulk and to provide a creamy texture and flavour.

Seafood
Seafood forms a large part of the Énqutsa diet with many different aquatic animals and plants featuring in lots of dishes across the Énqusqan peninsula. The maáy, a domesticated species of parrotfish, is perhaps the most emblematic feature of Énqutsa cuisine. The fish have been cultivated by the Énqutsa since their first costal settlements appeared across the Énqusqan peninsula. Prized for their bright blue and orange skins, they are prepared in a myriad of ways from roasting to steaming. Most commonly, they are grilled whole and seasoned with salt and spiced rubs which is then often served with a bean stew and [FLATBREAD]. There are also several cultivars of seaweed that are grown and eaten by the Énqutsa. The seaweeds are sometimes dried and flaked to be used as a flavouring additive to sauces. They are also sometimes used to warp maáy fillets before baking or steaming and these parcels are often stuffed with other seafoods, vegetables and beans creating pseudo-dumplings called [DUMPLINGS]. The marine algae are also commonly used as a main ingredient in salads and are prized for adding a salty flavour to such dishes.

Another classic seafood dish prepared in many coastal communities is sea turtle soup (Standard Énqutsa: [SEA TURTLE SOUP]). This dish is a thin and water broth made from a reduction of the turtle meat, vegetables, mushrooms and chillies and was traditionally served within the shell of the turtle whose meat was used for the soup. As the practice usually involved the hunting and killing of juvenile sea turtles, conservation efforts have seen to reduce the practice and it is now illegal for juvenile sea turtles to be hunted for their shells or meat. The government of the Republic has also instituted large regions of beach and marine territory that are off-limits to poaching of any kind. There are also many government funded programs that help protect sea turtle eggs, all of which are protected under law and cannot be moved or handled without proper licensing. The same is now true for the sale of all turtle meat across the republic and the dish has slowly diminished in popularity since the 1970s. Shellfish also form an important part of the diet of many Énqutsa people and are often a much cheaper alternative to more expensive fish. Crustaceans are often cultivated in large off-shore vertical farms that provide large volumes of produce for both the local and global markets. Bivalves such as clams are also farmed in this manner across the Kidal Sea. The most common method of preparing shellfish is through steaming which helps to loosen the shells and also brings out bright colouration which can make dishes seem more appealing. It is also rather common for the meat of these animals to be included in stews, with prawns being the most commonly added meat in bean based stews.

!Chilli peppers
The chilli has become a common seasoning in many cuisines worldwide but the plant that has become the many varieties of pepper were first domesticated around the Kidal some 3,000 years ago. In modern Énqutsa cuisine many varieties of pepper are utilised, each with varying degrees of spice. One variety, known as the sweet pepper or the cold pepper (Standard Énqutsa: [PEPPER]), has been bred to contain no !capsaicin and as a result has a very sweet flavour. These peppers are often used for their bright red, green and yellow colourations and to help add bulk to dishes. The spicy varieties of pepper (Standard Énqutsa: [SPICY PEPPER]) are much loved by the Énqutsa and are often added to sauces fresh or dried and crushed to a powder that can later be added to stews or rubbed into meats.

The spicier peppers are also very commonly finely chopped and added to palm vinegar to produce a condiment called [CONDIMENT]. This spicy vinaigrette is loved worldwide.

Fruits and vegetables
A wide variety of fruits and vegetables are incorporated into the cuisine of the Énqutsa. The most commonly used are the red and green varieties of [TOMATO] called [RED TOMATO] and [GREEN TOMATO] respectively. These fruits are grown across the peninsula and have become a staple ingredient in sauces globally. Within Énqutsa cuisine they often form the base of sauces and stews. The [PINEAPPLE] is a fruit eaten in many ways by the Énqutsa. It is traditionally roasted and covered in [CONDIMENT] which creates a spicy and sour dish that is often eaten between courses at feasts. It is commonly believed that the pineapple helps to digest food and so aids in eating larger quantities of food at these feasts. The fruit is also juiced. this juice is used as a stock for sauces, fermented into a kind of alcoholic drink or sometimes just drank fresh. Chunks of the fruit are also sometimes added to stews for to increase the variety of flavour and texture.

Mushrooms are also heavily incorporated into the foods eaten by the Énqutsa. Larger mushrooms like the [LARGE MUSHROOM] are often stuffed with beans and seafood before being roasted. Smaller varieties of mushrooms are also included in stews, soups and stuffed seaweed parcels. Famously, the Énqutsa create a tea from a dried mushroom called the [PSYCODELIC MUSHROOM] which is often drank at gatherings and parties, although this tea was traditionally only drank during religious ceremonies. Many tourists come to Énqusqó to try this tea, as the tea induces hallucinations that are often sought by thrill seekers. Unfortunately, many of these tourists drink the tea in inordinate volumes or at unsafe concentrations and many of them are admitted to hospitals for immediate treatment and many of them, unfortunately, do not survive. To counter these unfortunate incidents, the Republic takes a positive stance towards most drugs and so the sale of both the mushrooms and the tea itself are highly regulated by government agencies to ensure that consumption is as safe as possible.

!Chocolate
!Chocolate has been a staple of the Énqutsa aristocracy since the interregnum. It is traditionally prepared as a warm, thick, frothy beverage usually flavoured with spicy chillies and salt called [HOT CHOCOLATE]. This is much unlike the bean's preparation in many parts of the world today. The Énqutsa maintain this tradition of preparing the beans as a savoury drink, although much of the tradition and class divide around its consumption have shifted. The drink is often prepared at festivals or by families on days of religious importance. The drink has become a symbol of national pride for the Republic and has also seen usage by conservationists groups, often being referred to as the 'true black gold' of Énqusqó in opposition to oil drilling operations. These environmentalist campaigns during the 1990s were widely successful at dissuading the government from pursuing the extraction of fossil fuels in the Kidal and the cocoa pod has been adopted as a symbol for environmentally friendly initiatives across the peninsula. There are those, however, who critique the use of the cocoa pod as a symbol of environmentalism. The cultivation of cocoa often requires wide areas of land to be deforested which can be devastating for local wildlife. In recent years, many efforts have been made to reduce the impact of monoculture across the peninsula, not just from cocoa plantations but also other agricultural activities. This has often involved the incorporation of other species into farmed spaces to facilitate connections between regions of jungle.

Equality law

 * Strong legal tradition of enshrining citizens with equitable rights

Literature

 * [POETRY] - thinking something to do with tone patterns versus rhyme? maybe tone and syllables?

Performing arts

 * OPERA - more like east Asian than European
 * Local dance traditions and festivals?



Philosophy

 * Come up with some cool schools of philosophy that have come out of the peninsula - maybe !absurdism?

Sport
The Énqutsa have a long sporting tradition of competitive water sports and a unique ball game that appears to have been invented on the peninsula in antiquity. This game, known most commonly as Tsenyu (translation: Wall), is played in [INCOMPLETE]