Mazkwat

Mazkwat, known as Emperor Mazkwat, as well as Mazkwat the Great, was the (?th) Emperor of Gemurtrak and the first and only of the House of Ramizna, reigning from 25 April 1868 until his death on 6 June 1875. He is famous for being a major acting force for the rise of Gemurtrakian nationalism and one of the most influencial figures in liberating Gemurtrak from Salian colonial occupation.

Born in a tumultuous period for Gemurtrak, who was under colonial control by Salia prior to his reign, Mazkwat quickly became a popular figure for local revolutionary elements. His activities brought the concern of the colonial government who imprisoned him before escaping in 1866 and placing into action a chain of events that would lead to his placement as emperor of Gemurtrak and later the total liberation of Gemurtrak under a republic led by his closest friend and ally Korya Dzekana. Following his enshrinement as emperor, Mazkwat began preperations for a string of conflicts that would culminate into the Fury War. Mazkwat would be shot and killed on the 5th of June, 1875 during a suicidal charge against the Salian army in the Battle of Korzhu zhasu. The charge succeeded and would spur the rebellion towards further victories.

Regaded as a national hero and father of the modern Gemurtrak state, Mazkwat is considered one of the most important people in Gemurtrakian history and an influential figure in the development of Gemurtrak and it's future position during the 20th and 21st century.

Background
Gemurtrak was, at the time, in complete shambles of its former self. Occupied almost entirely by colonial authority from Salia for the past century, much of the semblance of imperial power was minimized, the noble families held little to no control over the functions of the state acting more as figure heads then legitimate heads of state. Much of the actual power was handed to lesser nobles who cooperated with Salian authority, many coming from feuding rival families of the Imperial family. The general hostility of the lesser nobles towards the Imperial family granted peace of mind to the Salian authority of the reduction of cooperation between elements within the colony of those who had legitimate power. Functionally, the Imperial family was placed into house arrest, banned from enacting any power onto the lesser nobility and generally forced to remain home unless for ceremonial purposes in the effort to keep face. By the time of Mazkwat's birth in 1792, two generation of the Imperial family had stayed in the imperial palace for almost their whole lives.

Members of the Imperial family were still highly educated however, reading many noteworthy Gemurtrak literature and basics of governing in the realm of economics and law. They still remained some of the most educated native individuals within Gemurtrak, many pieces of poetry, music, and other forms of high art were very popular with the Imperial family at the time, spending their days as they can, unable to leave the premises of their palace.

Early Life
Born on 12 June 1792, then named Prince Sbatnu was a greatly unwelcome individual in the Imperial family as he had been the product of one of then emperor [Emperor]'s affairs committed away from the Imperial family and palace during his trips to [Mainland] for ceremonial purposes. He would return with an unnamed male bastard, likely due to the fact it was his only male heir at the time, to the grand displeasure of his wife and numerous members of the court. Naming of the child is limited to only the wife of the Imperial family (a leftover tradition from Daysikya I), leaving the child to be named Sbatnu, literally meaning last blood. His early treatment was typically negative, many writings noting the care of the child was for the most part, handled by various servants of the house, a stark contrast from the tradition of the Empress caring for children for most of their early lives, an action upheld for Sbatnu's two sisters.

His matter of legitimacy was placed into question due to his unknown mother. He was granted full legitimacy by his father after he had returned but many members of the court were against the idea, favoring the eldest of the emperor's daughters, [Princess], Who had up to this point been in the process of education for her eventual reign due to [Emperor]s previous failings to bear a son. Reluctantly, the court granted Sbatnu legitimacy to the throne and was to be educated as he turned 6. Sbatnu was noted as being initially slow to pick up topics but showed great interest in discussing topics he did pick up, a contrast to his typically more reserved sister who excelled in numerous topics. He was also a fan of many outdoor activities, notably Archery which himself noted was "the few places where I could relax in my early years". His treatment still remained negative, much of the Imperial family were cold or even hostile to him, the Empress in particular not interacting with him for years at a time. He spent most of his time with the servants of the palace who enjoyed the company of the young prince, a grand contrast to the rest of the family and higher court who would avoid conversation with servants. Matni Kmazik, former servant of the palace and writer of Behind the Emperors shadow, wrote concerning Sbatnu noting "he held many conversations with me and many other members of the working staff. He'd ask a lot of questions, ask to play a game with us, he even regularly aided in menial tasks. He was so unlike the rest of the upper family... He looked so much more at peace around us than with his siblings. It was a shocking contrast".

Following Emperor [Emperor]'s death in 1812, plans shifted heavily from what was initially expected immediately after his passing. A soft coup was pulled within the house demanding the change of inheritance from Sbatnu to [Princess]. There was little to no struggle on the matter by other nobles, nor did Sbatnu come into conflict with his sister, noting "At the time, I simply saw it as just a chair. It may have had the look of power, but it didn't possess it. Quite frankly, I am most glad [Princess] took that responsibility from me". With his right of inheritance revoked and his only direct relative dead, Sbatnu formally requested the Salian Authority to release him from house arrest and integrate with larger society. The request was granted, and Sbatnu, aged 20 at the time, left the Imperial palace on 10 April 1813.

Civilian life
Following his leave from the imperial palace, Sbatnu was notably stunned by the conditions beyond the walls of the palace. In his autobiography he noted believing the conditions the servants of the palace lived in "were indicative of those beyond my old home. How foolish was I to never realize that only until I had walked on this world for 20 years... It had felt like a dream, and that day was my first day of living in the truth". Unlike the majority of the population, Sbatnu was well educated and within short time found himself within the politics of the colonial government, part of the management board for the Pnekza House region. He however kept a low profile on the board, wanting to avoid recognition. Instead, his energy went towards his time studying, obtaining a degree in Law at Maguste University. At the time, Sbatnu adopted a separate name, Tazik, both to further distance himself from his former family, and to stop any realization of his royalty. It succeeded, staying hidden from the public eye. After 7 years acting on the board, his opinions were slowly growing negative of his activity on the committee. Despite his increased presence on the board, even being acting president of the board for 2 years, he noticed most, if not all of the decisions made by the board were overturned by the Pnekza family. This frustration of the slow rate of progress would see Sbatnu resign from the board in 1823.

Revolutionary Activity
Wanting rapid change, Sbatnu acknowledged the need for the removal of the Salian colonial government, who he believed, were the ones overruling the ideas his board had developed. He began to voice his dissatisfaction towards the Salian government, often attributing their presence as a ball and chain to the progression of Trakian society. His opinions were very often agreed upon by the crowds he'd call to but were more often than not quickly dispersed by authorities for their salacious words against the government. He would soon develop a large enough following and founded the Trakian Independence League, performing numerous underground activities, causing turmoil within the colony. Sbatnu quickly showed his capabilities as both a leader and tactician, organizing and successfully executing numerous attacks on Salian aligned noble houses and buildings of administration. His name grew to prominence and was soon discovered to have been a former member of the Imperial family. Slanderous actions were carried out by the Salian government towards his former imperial origins, often calling him the king of fools or The fool's king. Alongside this was the aggravation of the populace to see his actions as ones against the common interest of the general people, attempting to make it seem like a power grab by the Imperial family and nothing else.

On 27 July 1828, Authorities loyal to the Salian government assaulted a home housing Sbatnu at the time off of an anonymous tip they received. He, along with 8 other members within the house, were arrested and promptly jailed at the [Location] Prison on the island of Nyiki swe. Sbatnu would experience constant beatings and suffer abysmal conditions during his time at the prison. He would develop a permanent limp, caused by numerous fractures to his left femur, due to the conditions he was exposed to. His time in the prison, totaling 7 years, were a major period of his development, noting that he was surrounded by numerous people, commonly well educated professors or would be politicians who at one point or another voiced their distaste towards the colonial occupation. Sbatnu would talk to his fellow prisoners, going on about various topics, on some occasions mentioning their views of what a free Gemurtrak would look like. He denotes much of his future policies as having some origin from these conversations. on 8 August 1835, a breakout was arranged and performed by a large percentage of the prison, Sbatnu being one of them. His escape was thwarted by his injured leg and was captured by prison guards and sent back to be punished. A week later, an explosion was set off orchestrated by the previous escapees who were hiding across the island to rescue additional people from the prison. Sbatnu was rescued alongside the rest and successfully escaped the island with the help of members from the Trakian Independence League.

Usurption
Sbatnu's return at the command of the insurgency group bolstered the motivation of the organization, sure that the day of liberation was within their sight. The group reengaged in more aggressive actions unseen since before Sbatnu's imprisonment. Sbatnu himself was notably a different person according to many members of the insurgency group who would later write memos of their time, one mentioning "Before, he was far more relaxed, he seemed almost aimless in what he did, we organized attacks but they were nothing more than to annoy the [Salian]. Now though... he's frightening, he may be a cripple but he stands taller than any of us". Attacks were occurring to more vital parts of Salian control, primarily the harbors during times of export of certain high value goods such as sugar. The support for the movement was growing too, dissatisfaction of the conditions and a wave of nationalism had begun to course through the colony and by 1838, Sbatnu was intent on taking advantage of it.

On the morning of 25 April 1838, Sbatnu stood outside the Imperial Palace alongside an estimated 1500 people, majority armed with stolen firearms and traditional arms, demanding the surrender of the title of King Emperor from [Princess] and to declare Sbatnu the rightful inheritor. To little surprise, [Princess] staunchly declined and demanded the immediate elimination of the attacking forces. A bloody fight ensued across the day until the walls were breached and the attack started in full motion. Some 200 were killed in total on the day including then Empress [Princess]. [Sister], the next in line and present member of the family at the palace during the assault, willingly offered the title to Sbatnu and held an ordained coronation in front of all combatants in the night of the 25th. As per tradition, the emperor is granted a new name to coincide with their office. Upon the completion of the ceremony, Sbatnu declared his new name to be Mazkwat, after the legendary champion of the old mythology.

Unrest and War
The declaration of the new Emperor brought many Gemurtrakians to a frenzy, large sections of inland Gemurtrak (placed under semi-autonomous control of local nobility) revolted and declared themselves subservient or at least aligning to Mazkwat. Direct combat remained non-existent between independent Gemurtrak and Salia, the two instead fighting within rebelling territories and obtaining as much control without a proper confrontation with the Salian navy. Mazkwat began massive changes during these fights to the function of the military and format of governance in reclaimed regions, much of these changes weren't fully implemented until total control of the peninsula was returned. Mazkwats demands of a centralized government for the new political system, effectively eliminating the feudal system that was still in function, upset many members of the higher aristocracy. The dissatisfaction of these changes were regularly overruled by the citizenry, who demanded a unified Gemurtrak above all else. Reluctantly, many nobles joined alongside the independence movement, however they did not recognize Mazkwat as the rightful Emperor. The situation remained dire and Mazkwat excused these conflicts of interest for the time being. after four years of preparation and alliance building, Mazkwat declared war on Salia in 1842 demanding the return of all historically Gemurtrakian land. The conflict lasted 14 months on land, however, massive fighting would continue along the coast and in naval battle until Salia sued for peace in 1845, acknowledging all territory held by Gemurtrakian forces on the day of signing. The war saw almost all Salian territory on Osamia, excluding Nagnenwan, Pujetthin, and Sywetatum, of which they still held, removed and placed under the re-established Empire of Gemurtrak of which was officially acknowledged a the signing of the treaty.

Victory of the independence movement provided a short-lived fortune. While some saw the successes of the war due to the leadership of Mazkwat, others claimed they won despite his leadership and wanted little to nothing to do with aligning themselves towards the re-recognized kingdom. While having the impression of being unified, the territories of the new empire were split into three camps, each opposing one another; The Gazne Clique, Ramizna loyalists, and Pegath loyalists. The Gazne clique comprised of larger nobility who wished to maintain their privileges that Mazkwat was aiming to dismantle, many of them also aiming to remain independent from Gemurtrak and declaring their individual sovereignty over it's existence. The Pagath loyalists were members of upper society that did not recognize Mazkwat, and later the house of Ramizna, as the rightful heir to the throne of Gemurtrak, of which he had usurped. Mazkwat was apathetic towards both of the groups, seeing them as "the final thrashes of such dated ways". Mazkwat wanted to avoid further fighting, the conditions of Gemurtrak were tumultuous at best and another war would spell disaster. After officially being declared King-Emperor of Gemurtrak in 1846, Mazkwat promised special privileges and compensation for the removal of titles. This was initially given to any noble titles under the Ramizna loyalist umbrella before he extended the offer to members of the Gazne Clique, some accepting excluding those who desired personal sovereignty. Those who opposed Mazkwats ascension to the throne collated together and backed Tharezi Pagath, a nephew of Emperor [Emperor]'s wife, as the legitimate heir of the new empire. With another war looming, Mazkwat offered larger compensations to the independent crowns. A right to self-autonomy was eventually granted in the 1849 to the remaining members of the Gazne clique, leaving only a handful to be fully independent after declining the offer. Feeling threatened by the growing power of Gemurtrak, the Pagath loyalists would attack Mazkwat's winter palace in April 1850, plunging Gemurtrak into a state of intense political unrest and outright combat. Pagath and his loyalists would be pacified in 1852 with his death at the battle of Nayd.

Decades of Iron
With the defeat of the pretenders, Mazkwat stood as the sole authority of the unified Gemurtrak and wished to see it remain so. While many wanted a representative government, Mazkwat did not see the right conditions for an elected government citing the recent rebellions as a key problem. Instead, a central government composed of the closest members of Mazkwat's court was created initially. All were connected in some way to the military such as [Commander] who was the minister of foreign affairs and head of multiple units in the army. This degree of loyalty and centralism allowed for fast and large changes across the nation with Mazkwat's initial years in full command fixing and improving much of the infrastructure of the nation in a series of industrial plans with the intent of modernization to compete with the international community and deter future colonization attempts. Mazkwat would maintain this system of planned economics until 1866 with the conclusion of the second five year plan, centering around the integration of formerly Salian factories and influenced industry through a format of revitalization, production and then sale of the industry to new Gemurtrakian or Osamian companies in an attempt to jumpstart the economy. Among the ten years, Mazkwat held almost supreme control on all civil functions, placing menial tasks under the attention of his ministers. His control allowed him to format the political and societal systems he had planned to improve the state of social society, and the economy. He encouraged communal activity and cultural integration for the hope of reducing the segregation that had occurred during occupation and was causing considerate levels of unrest in the nation. Community buildings, the liberalization of the Nagsenur system, and the introduction of welfare programs, were some of the early ways Mazkwat hoped to overcome the traditional cultural boundaries that had since been re-established.

While steps were taken to improve the wellbeing and quality of life for much of the Gemurtrakian public. Those who had voiced themselves against the new regime were treated with severe antagonism. While he personally voiced his approval of moderate socialist policies and even implemented some, those who wished for more extreme changes in the system found zero sympathy from Mazkwat. Those especially of the anti-monarchist angle were heavily prosecuted during the decade following the turmoil. He saw it as needless dissent against his efforts. Negative speech towards the emperor was outlawed, repeat offenders being given the death penalty. Most regard this crackdown on negative press towards the emperor as a cover for numerous cases of corruption Mazkwat was participating in or the failure of parts of the rebuilding projects. Most of these claims however are generally unfounded. Following almost ten years following the conclusion of the civil rebellion, in 1862, the law on speech towards the emperor was modifed. This change, which reduced what was regarded as "blasphemy towards the emperor", is often considered the relaxing of the decades of iron which, while strict laws were maintained till his death, many things were loosened after 1862.

After a decade within the strict political system, Mazkwat introduced the Charter of universal rights which granted a highly limited representative government, created a limit of military units a minister could have under their command, and expanded the set of offices along with the options to being selected as a minister which would be being elected within the newly formed legislature. Ministers were also given term lengths (5 years) and can be given unlimited terms based on election popularity. The former ministers during the ten-year reign were granted positions in the Chamber of supremes who were granted lifetime membership supporting the decision making of the emperor and ministers below them. Later years would have ministers elect on one another on who obtains the position once a seat has been vacated following death of a previous member. The other major change was a reform of the former Judiciary system, formally creating the Imperial Court of Justice and allowing members of the new legislature to elect new members of the Court. Their powers remained limited however and acted as both a secondary check system for the new Supreme Federal Court as well as a court for any legal situations revolving around the new legislature.

Foreign relations
Returning to the world stage after centuries under colonial rule, Gemurtrak's position in internation relations was lackluster at best, and heavily antagonistic towards at the worst. One of the earliest decisions made by Mazkwat following the pacification of his enemies within the empire was to present himself and in comparison, the empire, to those many would have deemed as enemies. While relations with Mitruhmoer shifted across the history of the two nations, Mazkwat greeted them as friends during his international address in 1853 and made it a point to visit Skhiajgnag that same year and visit their emperor. He introduced Gemurtrak back into the modern world with an open hand but one that would retract quickly at any moment of opposition, shutting down talks with [Country] after a visit plauged with threats and intimidation. One of the most surprisingly effective visits were Mazkwats visits to Haksarad in 1856, and mainland east Alutra in 1857 where a strong personal bond between the Haksar state and Gemurtrak first started to appear. The Alutran visit is posited as the most productive of Mazkwat's international visits. Discussions on the continued peace in colonial Osamia were the point of focus towards Ordrey and Gladomyr who Mazkwat saw as an acceptable evil till their safety against Salian occupation was a guarantee.

Death and Legacy
Since the events of his prison breakout in 1835, Mazkwat had been impaired, suffering from a limp in the years following after numerous medical scares arising from it. He remained in positive health for the most part, contrary to popular beliefs, he never drank alcohol and rarely smoked, notably only during stressful circumstances. Despite the hardship of the decades prior, Mazkwat endured exceptionally, some regarding his vigor as a sign of his legitimacy of the divine right to the throne. It was not until the 1870's when his health took a noticeable turn for the worse. He would miss many events due to reportedly complications with health and would even delegate his son, [Empernew], as head of public ceremonies in 1872. By early 1874, Mazkwat's presence had dwindled and was rarely seen in the public eye outside of major events, such as Liberation day, Coronation day of the emperor, and the new year address. When he was seen, his quality of health was visually worse. He would be last seen by the public eye was during coronation day on the 19th of may in 1874. He was seen seated across the whole event, an act unforseen in previous years and only reinforced fears for his looming death. two and a half weeks later, on 6 June, The imperial press would formally declare the emperor Mazkwat as deceased with the tolling of the imperial bell in the early morning. He had reportedly died around 3 am in the morning. Official reports stated his passing was due to an infection that had reoccured in his leg.

The importance of Mazkwat is something that doesn't need to be debated. His role and effort as leader of independance movements, and later the restored independant monarchy, had set all the pieces for a restored Gemurtrak to occur after nearly 200 years of colonial occupation. Mazkwat's influence remains still within wider Gemurtrakian society, legal policies and public proceedures still practiced to this day have origins from Mazkwat and his political reforms, even after more radical changes during the Osamian Federation. The spirit of the ideas of Mazkwat continue to be a pillar of the national constitution, which borrowed heavily from the ideas of Mazkwat's Charter of universal rights. The imperial family of Gemurtrak still traces their origin from the Ramizna house and as the legal descendants of Mazkwat and the titles he created as King Emperor, A term of entitlement still used in some circles within Gemurtrak. His acts of foreign relation paved the way to some of the most influencial political decisions in the 20th century including the exile of the imperial family and Gemurtrak's position in the World Wars.

Family and Issues
Previously part of the House of Makazhu, Mazkwat declared himself independent from that house and formally established the house of Ramizna in 1846 with himself as the sole member of the new house. He declared the Ramizna house to being the only noble household permissible to inherit the Gemurtrakian title of King Emperor. [Sister], previously also part of the house of Makazhu, was transitioned to the Ramizna house in 1847 following the inheritance declaration and her request to be re-legitimized, to which he permitted. Mazkwat married Yaka Budasna, a civilian woman he met during his studies at Maguste University, in 1847, officially bringing her and their 5 children into the imperial family and legitimizing them all.